CPP/NDF-ST-KM: Sumulong sabay sa rebolusyonaryong agos!

Propaganda statement posted to the Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP) Website (Nov 22, 2020): Sumulong sabay sa rebolusyonaryong agos!

VICTORIA MADLANGBAYAN

SPOKESPERSON

KABATAANG MAKABAYAN-LAGUNA

NDF-LAGUNA | NDF-SOUTHERN TAGALOG

NATIONAL DEMOCRATIC FRONT OF THE PHILIPPINES

NOVEMBER 22, 2020

Militanteng pagbati mula sa Kabataang Makabayan Laguna!

Ang lipunan na hindi nababahid ng rebolusyon ay isang lipunan na kailanma’y hindi magbabago. Sentral sa bawat lipunan ang paglipas ng mga luma at umaagnas na tradisyon at ang pagsulong ng bayan tungo sa mas mataas at makabagong antas.

Umuugong ang progresibo at rebolusyonaryong diwa sa probinsya ng Laguna, at sa buong bansa. Sa bawat araw ng pagpatuloy ng rehimeng US-Duterte sa kaniyang kahibangan, patuloy rin na napupukaw at sumusulong ang diwang mapanlaban ng sambayanan.

Sa kabila ng mga mapanupil na atake ng mga pasistang mersenaryo, patuloy na nagkakaisa ang mamamayan sa Laguna tungo sa makabayang hangarin. Kasabay nito, patuloy ring lumalakas ang rebolusyonaryong kilusan sa lahat ng sektor at uri. Sa kabila ng mga operasyong militar ng mga reaksyunaryo, napapatunayan ng Partido Komunista at ng Bagong Hukbong Bayan ang kanilang tapang at lakas, na nagmumula sa mahigpit na pagsandig nito sa masa.

Bangkarote at hungkag ang lahat ng mga pakanang atake ng pasistang estado! Alam nila na kailanma’y hindi nila matatalo ang diwang rebolusyonaryo ng sambayanan, kung kaya’t kinukuntento nila ang sarili nila sa pagtugis sa demokratikong kilusang masa. Binabalot nila sa “kontra-insurhensya” ang mga atake sa mga organisasyong masa at mga lider nito, at nagpapanggap sila na ito ay mga “tagumpay” laban sa naglalagablab na kilusan.

Dalawa ang hangarin ng mga payaso. Una, layunin nilang takutin at sindakin ang masa mula sa pagpapahayag ng kanilang saloobin. Umaasa sila na sa ganitong paraan, mapapatahimik ang mamamayang may lehitimong mga panawagan, at maipagpatuloy nila ang pansarili nilang interes.

Alinsunod dito, ginagamit ng mga reaksyunaryong pwersa ang buong lakas ng estado: ang pulis, militar, korte, mga batas at mga institusyon ng gobyerno, upang supilin ang karapatan ng mamamayan at ipagtanggol ang interes ng mga dambuhalang komprador at panginoong maylupa.

Ito ang rason kung bakit tahimik ang estado sa kabila ng patuloy na panununog at pagpapalayas ng Ayala Land sa mga magsasaka sa Sitio Buntog, Hacienda Yulo. O kaya kung bakit iligal na dinetina ng pinagsamang tropa ng PNP at AFP ang 11 na aktibista noong Hulyo 4 sa Brgy. Pulo, Cabuyao. Nalalantad ng mga atakeng ito ang katangian ng estado bilang nagsisilbi lamang sa sariling interes at sa interes ng naghaharing sistema.

Ang pangalawang layunin ng mga reaksyunaryong pwersa ay nais nilang ihiwalay ang rebolusyonaryong kilusan mula sa masa. Umaasa sila na sa pamamagitan ng sustenidong black propaganda at paninindiak ay isusuka ng mamamayan ang Partido, ang Hukbo, at ang mga rebolusyonaryong organisasyong masa na sumusuporta sa kanila tulad ng KM.

Ito ang rason kung bakit patuloy na pinapasok ng pulis at militar ang mga pamantasan at komunidad sa huwad na balangkas ng “Kabataan Kontra Droga at Terorismo”, kung bakit pinipilit na “pinapasuko” nila ang mga manggagawa mula sa Coca-Cola bilang mga “kasapi ng NPA”, o kung bakit inuubos nila ang pera ng bayan sa mga tarpaulin at pahayag na pilit na kinukunekta ang mga ligal na organisasyon sa rebolusyonaryong kilusan.

Hindi magtatagumpay ang mga pakanang ito. Patunay ng ilang dekada ng rebolusyonaryong pakikibaka na hindi mahihiwalay ang isda sa tubig na linalanguyan niya — na hindi mahihiwalay ang Partido sa masang buong-pusong yumayakap sa kanya. Sa katunayan, lalong lumalakas ang kilusang masa sa bawat pagkakataon na tinatalikuran ng estado ang tungkulin nitong magsilbi sa bawan, at kasabay nito, ang patuloy na pagpapalakas ng pambansa-demokratikong rebolusyon na may sosysalistang perspektiba.

Habang kuntento na magpatuloy si Duterte sa pagsunod sa kaniyang mga dayuhang amo, magpapatuloy rin ang pagkilos ng mamamayan. Habang nagpapatuloy ang mga katulad ni SOLCOM chief Antonio Parlade sa panggigipit sa mga magsasaka at mamamayan sa Laguna, patuloy tayong bibigwas at lalaban.

Kasalukuyang tungkulin ngayon ng kabataan na lumahok sa pambansa-demokratikong pakikibaka. Sa bawat panahon, ang lugar ng kabataan ay sa harap ng pakikibaka, kasama ang mga pinaka-aping uri ng lipunan.

Paalabin natin ang diwa at ala-ala nina Andres Bonifacio at Emilio Jacinto na nagsulong ng makatarungang pakikibaka laban sa mga Kastila noong Rebolusyon ng 1896! Isulong natin ang rebolusyonaryong simulain nina Rizalina Ilagan at Melito Glor na nangahas na lumaban kontra diktadurang US-Marcos! At ipagpatuloy natin hanggang sa tagumpay ang digmaang kung saan inialay nina Jeramie Garcia, John Carlo Alberto, at libu-libo pang martir ng sambayanan ang kanilang buhay.

Ngayong huling kwarto ng 2020, tungkulin natin ngayon na i-angat ang pakikibaka tungo sa mas mataas na porma. Lumalala ang krisis ng bayan bunga ng pasismo, terorismo ng estado, at lantarang kapabayaan. Danas ito ng kabataan sa porma ng pagtalikod ng CHED, DepEd, at mismo ni Duterte sa pangangailangan ng kabataan sa edukasyon.

Bilang mga rebolusyonaryo, tungkulin nating i-abante ng makatarungang paglaban ng sambayanan para sa kanilang karapatan tungo sa paglutas sa tunay na ugat ng kahirapan: ang imperyalismo, pyudalismo, at burukrata kapitalismo. Hindi mahihiwalay ang usapin ng pambansang demokrasya sa krisis na kinakaharap ng sambayanang Pilipino.

Dakilang hamon sa lahat ng rebolusyonaryong kabataan-estudyante na sumandig sa masang anakpawis. Patuloy na mamulat at imulat ang masa sa mga problemang danas nila sa pang araw-araw. Magsagawa ng mga malawakang pulong masa, study circle, educational discussion, konsultasyon, at iba pang porma ng gawaing edukasyon. Suriin ng mabuti ang konkretong kalagayan ng kabataan sa mga pamantasan at komunidad, at kasama silang magbuo ng solusyon at kampanya na tutugon sa kanilang mga batayang suliranin.

Patuloy na mag-organisa at magpukaw ng limpak-limpak at daan-daang rebolusyonaryo sa ating hanay. Hamigin at magrekluta ng pinakamalawak na bilang ng kasapi ng KM na handa ring isulong ang pambansa-demokratikong rebolusyon. Sa mga rebolusyonaryo sa kalunsuran, patuloy na umugnay sa masa sa kanayunan at tumugon sa kanilang batayang problema. Isapuso ang linyang masa at yakapin ng buo ang diwang sakripisyo para sa masa.

Paalon tayong kumilos habang patuloy na nagmumulat at nag-oorganisa. Kasama ng sambayanan, patuloy na igiit ang mga batayang karapatan sa lahat ng sektor, at kasama dito, ipanawagan ang pagkabagsak ng imperyalismo, pyudalismo, at burukrata kapitalismo. Hingin sa kagyat ang pagpapatalsik sa numero unong terorista ng bayan na si Rodrigo Duterte.

Bilang kabataan, tayo ang susi sa pagpapatuloy at pagsulong ng rebolusyon. Patuloy tayong sumulong kasabay ng rebolusyonaryong agos ng sambayanan, patungo sa tagumpay!

https://cpp.ph/statements/sumulong-sabay-sa-rebolusyonaryong-agos/

CPP/NPA-Negros Island ROC: Ubos-kusog nga batu-an kag paslawon ang MO 32 kag ang terorismo sang estado!

Propaganda statement posted to the Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP) Website (Nov 22, 2020):
Ubos-kusog nga batu-an kag paslawon ang MO 32 kag ang terorismo sang estado!

JUANITO MAGBANUA

SPOKESPERSON

NEGROS ISLAND REGIONAL OPERATIONAL COMMAND

APOLINARIO GATMAITAN COMMAND

NEW PEOPLE'S ARMY

NOVEMBER 22, 2020

Mabaskog nga ginapanawagan sang Apolinario Gatmaitan Command – New People’s Army Negros Island (AGC-NPA) ang hugot nga paghiliusa sang pumuluyong Negrosanon kag ubos-kusog nga batuan ang Memorandum Order (MO) 32 sang rehimen Duterte sa isla.

Duha na ka tuig ang nagligad matapos matabu ang makasiligni nga pagmasaker sang mga mangunguma sa Sagay City sadtong Oct 20, 2018, gilayon nga ginpatuman ang Memorandum Order no. 32 sang Nov. 22, 2018 kag ginpa-idalum ang bug-os nga isla sang Negros, Samar, kag Bikol sa “state of lawlessness and violence”.

Paagi sa MO32, nabutang sa prayoridad kag laboratoryo sang rehimen Duterte agud wasakon ang rebolusyonaryo nga kahublagan sa isla sang Negros paagi sa pagdugang sang pwersa sang AFP kag PNP. Naglab-ot sa 12 ka batalyon ang tropa sa AFP/PNP ang ginbutang sa Negros agud magsabwag sang kakugmat kag kalakasan sa pumuluyo. Ginhimo man ini nga laboratoryo sang AFP Central Command sa iya nga Oplan Sauron kag lapnagon ang pag-EJK sa mga rebolusyonaryo nga pwersa kag masa.

Isa sa nagapanguna nga target sa MO 32 ang Negros kung diin nagaluntad ang monopolyo nga kontrol sa duta sa mga asyendero kag dalagko nga agalon mayduta, lapnagon nga kapigaduhon kag kagutom sa mga mangunguma, mangunguma sa asyenda kag iban pa nga pigos nga sektor. Ginhimo ini nga “war laboratory” kag “killing fields” sang berdugo nga AFP/PNP.

Ini nga tikang sang tiraniko nga rehimen nagresulta sang lapnagon nga mga paglapas sang tawhanon nga kinamatarung sa porma sang pag-red tag sang mga progresibo nga organisasyon, kilala nga mga aktibista, pagpangdakup kag pagtanum sang mga ebidensya kag pagpasaka sang mga pato-pato nga kaso, peke nga pagpasurender, pagpamatay sang mga aktibista, lider masa, mga kinabakig nga tagadepensa sang tawhanon nga kinamatarung pareho nila SB member Bernandino “Toto” Patigas sang Escalante City, Atty Benjamin Ramos sang Kabankalan City kag ining ulihi nga si Zara Alvarez sang Bacolod City.

Sa kaumhan kag kabukiran, lapnagon ang mga pagpangsakasaka sang mga pamalay kag pagpanguha sang mga kagamitan kag kasapatan nga ila magustuhan, pagpangbomba, paghamlet, pagpamahog kag pagpangsakit sang mga sibilyan, pilit nga paggiya agud itudlo kon diin ang kampo sang NPA kag pagkontrol sa hulag sang bug-os nga pumuluyo gamit ang isyu sang Covid19 nga ginapatuman sang kapulisan kag militar. Ini tanan nagtuga sang tuman nga kakugmat sa pumuluyo kag pagkadislokar sang ila palangabuhian kag halos indi na makakadto sa ila uma bangud sa kahadlok nga pasibangdan nga naga-angut o nagasuporta sa NPA.

Sa madinugu-on kag mahigko nga gyera sang rehimen kasangkapan ang mapintas nga laye kaangay sang MO 32, EO 70 ukon ang “whole of nation approach” kag ang Anti-Terorrism Act of 2020 labi nga nangin lehitimo ang terorismo sang estado. Sumugod sang ginpatuman ang MO 32 sa Negros, naglab-ot na sa 52 ang biktima sang ekstra-hudisyal nga pagpamatay kag masobra 100 nga biktima sang patu-patu nga kaso base sa peke kag ginpangtanom nga ebidensiya nga tubtob subong padayon nga nagakitkit sang rehas.

Ang plano sang tiraniko nga rehimen nga wasakon ang mga sonang gerilya sa isla sang Negros, nagakahulugan lamang sang lapnagon kag makasiligni nga pagpatuman sang laye militar sa isla. Nagpakita ini nga ang mga nagahari nga sahi sa isla upod sa amu nila nga uhaw sa dugo nga si Duterte amo ang ara sa unahan sang sini nga plano nga pagwasak sang rebolusyonaryo nga kahubalagan sa isla sang Negros.

Arogante nga nagpahayag ang militar nga napahuyang na nila ang rebolusyonaryo nga kahublagan sa Negros bangud sa basehan nga madamu na ang mga nagsurender kag nagbalik sa sabak sang gobyerno. Apang ang matuod, ang tanan nga nagsurender mga ginpangpahog kag ginpwersa nga mga pumuluyo agud magsurender sang ngalan sang CPP/NPA. Ini isa ka pamaagi sang militar kag kapulisan agud makapangawat sa kaban sang gobyerno paagi sa pagbulsa sang kwarta nga natalana sa tagsa ka magsurender.

Nakahibalo ang pumuluyong Negrosanon nga ang AFP/PNP ang nagapanguna nga terorista kag pasista nga makinarya nga nagasabwag sang kahalitan sa mga komunidad nga nagtuga sang linibo nga pagkawasak sang pamilya, puluy-an kag palangabuhian.

Ang NPA yara sa husto nga posisyon agud atubangon kag paslawon ang kampanyang kontra-insurhensya sang rehimeng US-Duterte, pareho sang pagpaslaw sang mga kampanyang kontra-insurhensya sang mga nagliligad nga mga rehimen. Kompyansado kita bangud ang aton ginalunsar nga armado nga paghimakas isa ka makatarungan nga gyera nga nagadala sang interes sang malapad nga pumuluyo ilabi na ang mga mamumugon kag mga mangunguma gani ila ini ginasuportahan.

Labi nga pasingki-on sang NPA-Negros ang paglunsar sang taktikal nga opensiba ilabi na ang pagpataas sang lebel sang rebolusyonaryo nga armado nga paghimakas bilang pagsabat sa hayagan nga terorismo, pagpangawat kag pagbulsa sang kaban sang pumuluyo kag kangil-ad nga pagtraidor sa pungsod sang tiraniko nga rehimen Duterte.

Ang NPA bilang matuod nga hangaway sang pumuluyo magalunsar sang masunson nga mga taktikal nga opensiba para ipakig-away kag depensahan ang pumuluyo kag silutan ang mga berdugo nga may utang nga dugo. Ang Pungsodnon Demokratiko nga Rebolusyon paagi sa Armado nga Paghimakas paliwat-liwat nga magapaslaw sa plano sang AFP kag PNP. Padayon nga nagabaskog kag nagasulong ang rebolusyonaryo nga kahublagan kag ang Demokratiko nga Gobyerno sang Pumuluyo . ###

https://cpp.ph/statements/ubos-kusog-nga-batu-an-kag-paslawon-ang-mo-32-kag-ang-terorismo-sang-estado/

CPP/NDF-KM: Pagpupugay sa militanteng kabataan-estudyante sa buong bansa!

Propaganda statement posted to the Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP) Website (Nov 22, 2020): Pagpupugay sa militanteng kabataan-estudyante sa buong bansa!

MARIA LAYA GUERRERO

SPOKESPERSON

KABATAANG MAKABAYAN (KM)

NATIONAL DEMOCRATIC FRONT OF THE PHILIPPINES

NOVEMBER 22, 2020

Pinagpupugayan ng Kabataang Makabayan ang lahat ng militanteng estudyante mula sa iba’t ibang paaralan sa Metro Manila at ibang rehiyon na walang takot na hinaharap ang bawat bigwas ng atake ng estado laban sa mamamayan at kabataan sa kasagsagan ng pandemya at sunud-sunod na kalamidad.

Nitong mga nakaraang araw at linggo, pinatunayan ni Duterte na wala nang maaasahan ang mamamayang Pilipino na anumang tulong o tugon mula sa kanya at kanyang administrasyon. Habang daan-libong mamamayan ang nananatiling lugmok galing sa hagupit ng magkakasunod na bagyo, nilalantakan ng rehimen ang pera ng mamamayan sa pamamagitan ng mga walang kwentang talumpati ni Duterte na wala nang ibang nilaman kung hindi ang pang-aatake sa mga kalaban sa pulitika at mga grupong ubos-lakas na tumutulong sa mga nasalanta at naapektuhan ng kalamidad. Kasabay nito, ang mga pasistang utusan ni Duterte ay todo-sikap na pinagtatakpan ang kawalanghiyaan ng rehimeng Duterte sa kriminal na pagpapabaya nito sa mamamayang Pilipino.

Hindi rin nagpatalo ang mga galamay ni Duterte sa iba’t ibang bahagi ng administrasyong ito. Isa sa mga pinakamatingkad na isyu nitong nakaraang linggo ang walang pakundangang pagsasawalang-bahala ng Department of Education (DepEd) at Commission on Higher Education (CHED) sa mga mag-aaral, guro, at istap ng mga paaralan at unibersidad sa bansa. Walang kahit katiting na awa o kabutihang-loob ang pinakita ni Leonor Briones ng DepEd at Prospero de Vera III ng CHED nang agarang saraduhan ang mga hinihinging luwag ng mga estudyante para makabangon mula sa epekto ng sakuna. Ayon pa kay Briones, nasa diskarte na ng mag-aaral kung papaano patuyuin ang mga distance learning modules na nabasa sa baha at grabeng pag-ulan; habang si de Vera ay lantarang ipinasa sa mga unibersidad ang responsibilidad ng pagdedesisyon ukol sa pagbibigay ng pahinga para sa mga estudyante nito.

Sa ganito kasahol na pakikitungo sa mga mag-aaral ng mismong mga ahensya na inaasahan na mangalaga sa kapakanan ng mga estudyante sa bansa, hindi nakapagtataka pero lubos pa ring kahanga-hanga ang pinapakitang militansya ng mga kabataan.

Hindi alintana ng malawak na hanay ng kabataan ang mga banta ng rehimen at mga pagtatangkang demoralisahin ang kanilang hanay. Malinaw sa kanila na ang mga pananakot ni Duterte na tatanggalan ng pondo ang University of the Philippines, kasabay ng babala ni Harry Roque na ibabagsak sila ng kanilang mga guro at propesor kung magwelga, ay sumasalamin lamang sa sariling pagkatakot at pangamba ng administrasyong Duterte na patuloy pang lumaki ang nagkakaisang hanay ng kabataan-estudyanteng sawa na sa kriminal, kurap, pahirap, at pabayang rehimen!

Walang duda na sa patuloy na pang-aatake ng rehimen ay lalo lamang tatapang ang mga kabataang walang ibang hangad kung hindi ang pagkakamit ng kanilang demokratikong karapatan sa makabuluhang edukasyon.

Ang Kabataang Makabayan ay saludo sa mga progresibong kabataan-estudyante na handang ipagpaliban ang kanilang burgis na edukasyon at isalang ang sarili sa edukasyon ng lansangan — ang edukasyon ng pakikibaka at paglaban! Patuloy na magmartsa pasulong tungo sa pagkakamit ng maliliit hanggang malalaking tagumpay para sa kabataan!

https://cpp.ph/statements/pagpupugay-sa-militanteng-kabataan-estudyante-sa-buong-bansa/

2 ‘NPA rebels’ nabbed

From Panay News (Nov 23, 2020): 2 ‘NPA rebels’ nabbed (BY DOMINIQUE GABRIEL BAÑAGA)

De Baguio (left). Herminio (right)

BACOLOD City – Two alleged New People’s Army (NPA) insurgents were arrested by patrolling soldiers of the Philippine Army’s 94th Infantry Battalion (94IB) in Sitio Basak, Barangay Buenavista, Himamaylan City, Negros Occidental.

Authorities identified them as Joenefer Hermino and Glenn De Baguio, alleged political guide and member, respectively, of the NPA’s Central Negros 2 (CN2) Squad 3.

According to the Himamaylan City police, the 94IB troops were conducting a combat operation in the area when they saw Hermino and Baguio carrying firearms.

The suspects tried to flee upon seeing the soldiers, but they were eventually caught following a brief chase.

Police recovered from Hermino and De Bagui a hand grenade and two improvised shotguns.

They were taken to the Himamaylan City police station for filing of appropriate charges.

https://www.panaynews.net/2-npa-rebels-nabbed/

Making Peace in Deeply Divided Societies: the Case of Mindanao in the southern Philippines

Posted to the Small Wars Journal (Oct 26, 2020): Making Peace in Deeply Divided Societies: the Case of Mindanao in the Southern Philippines (Jose Mikhail Perez)

Introduction

Last 21 January 2019, the provinces that make up the Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao (ARMM) voted in favor of creating a new autonomous region known as the Bangsamoro Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (BARMM) with a huge turnout of 87.8% (1.738 million voters). Almost 89% (89.57%) from the total number of voters voted yes in the creation of a new autonomous region to be carved out in the southernmost island of Mindanao in the Philippines (Rivelli, 2020). Despite threats from Islamic extremists to stall the plebiscite, the overwhelming result finally secured the end of the civil war between the Christian-dominated Filipino government in Manila and the Moro Muslims in Mindanao who once sought independence from the Philippines. This conflict has plagued the southern Philippines for almost three decades, resulting in the deaths of 120,000 lives and the displacement of almost two million people (Lara and Champain, 2009).

In this article, our goal is to explain the factors why making peace in ethnically-divided societies, such as Mindanao, are often hard to secure. The primary argument that this article proposes is that the settlement of peace processes in ethnically divided societies are more likely to experience more cycles of violence during peace transitions. This argument is based from the various studies on ethnic conflicts after the Cold War where peaceful transitions in heterogeneous societies are more prone to interethnic violence while undergoing democratization (Snyder, 2000; Gurr, 2002; Coakley, 2009).

This article is structured as follows. First, the origins and history of the Mindanao conflict will be briefly discussed. Second, the various efforts of the Philippine government to end the conflict will be scrutinized. Third, the challenges of violent extremism by Islamic jihadists are explained in order to provide a bigger picture of the conflict’s intractability. Fourth, the exclusionary politics between the three dominant ethnic groups in Mindanao: Christian settlers, Moro Muslims, and the indigenous people (Lumads), will be analyzed in the context of the ‘tri-people’ ethos that resulted in the creation of the BARMM. Lastly, the challenges brought by the creation of a self-ruling government in the southern Philippines will be analyzed in order to provide policy solutions in the future of resolving ethnic conflicts in Southeast Asia. A conclusion will then highlight the salient points discussed in the article.

A Brief History of the Mindanao Insurgency

Geographically speaking, Mindanao is the second largest island group in the Philippines. With an area of almost 97,530 square kilometers, 70% of its inhabitants identify themselves as Christian while 24% identify themselves as Muslim (Philippine Census 2000, as cited in Philippine Statistics Authority, 2005).

The indigenous Muslim of population, or the Moros, are historically at a disadvantage in Philippine politics since they have experienced higher levels of poverty from the rest of the Philippines despite the fact that their region produces a significant amount of natural resources (Walter, 2009). The Moros are the overwhelming majority in the BARMM provinces of Basilan, Lanao del Sur, Maguindanao, Sulu, Tawi-tawi and Cotabato City. Despite their common Islamic heritage, they are divided into 13 various ethnolinguistic groups with the Maranaos, Maguindanaos, and Tausugs as the predominant groups who altogether make up 66% of the Moro population (Coronel-Ferrer, 2012). Both the Maranao and Maguindanao people hail from the Lanao and Maguindanao provinces in central Mindanao while the Tausug people currently inhabit the Sulu archipelago. At present, the Moros only comprise roughly 5-6% of the entire Philippine population (Philippine Census, 2000).

Within Mindanao, the presence of various non-Muslim indigenous people have coexisted with the Moros prior to the arrival of Western colonizers and Christian settlers (Paredes, 2015). Collectively known as the Lumads, they have continued to practice their pre-Islamic and pre-Christianity beliefs and traditions in order to distinguish themselves from the Moros and eventually the Christian settlers who have settled in Mindanao. According to Coronel-Ferrer (2012), the Lumads are scattered in the various provinces of Muslim Mindanao with Maguindanao having the highest numbers, where most of them belong to the Teduray ethnolinguistic group. At present, the newly enacted Bangsamoro Organic Law (R.A. 11054) also recognizes the existence of other Lumad ethnolinguistic groups in the Bangsamoro such as the Lambiangan, Dulangan Manobo, Blaan, and Higaonon ethnolinguistic groups.

The history of the Mindanao conflict is rooted in historical and political causes. Initially, the Moro identity was born out of the colonial consciousness against Spanish rule who wanted to convert the natives to Christianity. According to Frake (1997), the Spaniards used the term Moro as a terrorist label to the Filipino Muslims by giving them the exact name of their Muslim enemies in Spain. For this reason, Buendia (2006) suggests that the exclusionary politics of the Spanish and American colonizers, and now the post-colonial ‘Filipino-run state’ to ‘divide and conquer’ the natives led to the belief among the Moros that they have never been a part of the Philippines and that their struggle is a continuation of their ancestors’ war for independence.

Under American colonial rule, the Americans have implemented a benevolent assimilation policy in subjugating the Moros. However, they were still unsuccessful in assimilating them and other indigenous people under the Philippine colonial government (Rodil, 1994; Paredes, 2015). This transfer of power from the Spaniards to the Americans resulted in the Moro rebellion from 1899-1913 with a humiliating defeat on the part of the Moros.

Moro nationalism was again revived during the Marcos dictatorship when about 28 Muslim military trainees in Corregidor were summarily executed (Buendia, 2006). This massacre eventually became known as the Jabidah Massacre that inflamed ethnic hatreds between Christians and Muslims in the 1960s and 1970s. Furthermore, the imposition of martial law by the Marcos administration in order to quell the Moro rebellion further mobilized the various Moro groups in demanding secession from the Philippines through violent means.

In 1971, the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) was established under Nur Misuari and Hashim Salamat, who both left the Bangsamoro Liberation Organization (BMLO) since both of them believed that the MNLF should be a nationalist and secular revolutionary organization, not Islamic (Buendia, 2006). Hence, MNLF leaders sought to renounce their Filipino-Muslim identity and reclaim their Moro identity as descendants of ‘unsubjugated’ or ‘uncolonized’ peoples. Misuari (1986) as cited in Frake (1997) said:

‘From this very moment there shall be no stressing the fact that one is a Tausug, a Samal, a Yakan, a Subanon, a Kalagan, a Magindanao, a Maranao, or a Badjao. He is only a Moro’.

On 23 December 1976, the Philippine government and the MNLF signed the Tripoli Agreement that sought for the creation of an autonomous region in Mindanao that included thirteen provinces and nine cities (Walter, 2009). However, the implementation of the said agreement proved to be unsuccessful. Under the treaty, the agreement would only be implemented if a majority of the citizens living in the thirteen provinces voted in favor of the terms. Unfortunately, only five out of the thirteen provinces voted in favor that resulted in the creation of the Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao (ARMM) in 1989.

Nonetheless, the fulfilment of the Tripoli Agreement was only realized under the Ramos administration in 1996 when the GRP-MNLF Final Peace Agreement (FPA) was signed. Under the agreement, Nur Misuari became governor of the ARMM and chairman of the Southern Philippines Council for Peace and Development (SPCPD). However, the establishment of the ARMM was fraught with several problems such as bureaucratic inefficiency, dominance of ethnic groups in regional governance, and weak institutions in tax collection and state-building (Abinales & Amoroso, 2005). Thus, this has only created more problems than solutions under the leadership of the MNLF.

On the other hand, ideological and political differences between Nur Misuari and Hashim Salamat forced the latter to form a rival revolutionary organization that wanted secession of the Bangsamoro from the Philippine state. In 1984, the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) was established as a response to the acceptance of the MNLF to the government’s offer of semi-autonomy, in which the MILF is strongly opposed against it. Despite several decades of armed insurgency, the MILF finally withdrew their claim for independence in 2011 upon the signing of the Comprehensive Agreement on the Bangsamoro (CAB) under the Benigno Aquino III administration that sought to establish a sub-state in the southern Philippines, thus, elevating the status of the ARMM into the BARMM today.

Government Measures in Securing the Peace

The various peace agreements signed between the Philippine government and the various Moro armed groups are what Walter (2009) describes as a case of ‘reputation-building’ where states evaluate their decisions to negotiate with separatist groups in order to prevent more conflicts in the future. Self-determination disputes represent a set of cases for governments to pursue war as a rational strategy because it provides credible information about future intent (Walter, 2009). Applying this to the Philippine context, interethnic violence between government and Moro rebel groups do not often end upon the signing of peace agreements since their implementation is not often credible. Rather, most Philippine presidents offer self-governing autonomy to the armed Moro groups, not independence, in order not to compromise the territorial sovereignty of the Philippines. Their decisions are often influenced by the approval of the Christian majority in order to secure political capital for the next elections. As Jarstad (2009) has observed, most peace agreements are analyzed in terms of the power sharing agreements, without analyzing if the said provisions in the agreements are actually implemented. In her study, only seven from the twelve cases of peace agreements that she studied have actually implemented their power-sharing arrangements. Thus, this raises the concern that peace agreements may only be good on paper but bad in actual practice.

As mentioned earlier, the Philippine government has only offered two options for the Moros: (1) autonomy/self-governance; and (2) a sub-state solution. Both options are far from the initial goals of both MNLF and MILF on securing independence to all Filipino Muslims. However, Coronel-Ferrer (2012) suggests the institutionalization of both power-sharing and power-dividing measures in order to address the problem of lower political participation among ethnic groups in war-torn societies. This concern will be discussed further in the succeeding chapters.

The Threat of Radical Islamism

After the US declared the War on Terror after the 9/11 attacks, the Philippines also launched its own counterinsurgency programs against the rise of violent extremist groups in Mindanao. One of the most prominent extremist groups in the region is the Abu Sayyaf Group (literally means sword of the father in Arabic) with various strongholds in the provinces of Basilan and Sulu (Frake, 1997). The group was established by Abdurajak Abubakar Janjalani in expressing opposition to the MNLF and MILF peace processes in the 1990s. Over time, the goals of the Abu Sayyaf appear to have vacillated between criminal objectives and ideological intent due to their methods of gaining attention to the government and media (US State Department, 2012). At present, the group has gained a notorious reputation for carrying out suicide bombings, kidnappings, and extortion (Banlaoi, 2005; Hart, 2019).

Another extremist group in the Mindanao conflict is the Maute group with a stronghold in the province of Lanao del Sur (Terrorism Research & Analysis Consortium, 2020). This group is responsible for the Marawi siege, also known as the longest urban battle in Philippine history that caused the deaths of more than 1,000 people and 400,000 people displaced from their homes (Agence France-Presse, 2017). According to official government reports, after the Maute group’s defeat in the Marawi crisis, the Philippine government will need $1.1 billion to rebuild the city (Lorenzana, 2017 as cited in Agence France-Presse, 2017).

Contemporary global trends presently shape the future of violent extremism in Mindanao. The rise of Islamic fundamentalism has attracted foreign fighters to join the cause in promoting an Islamic ‘caliphate’ in the southern Philippines. Both the ASG and Maute group have pledged allegiance to the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL) where they have conducted terrorist activities like suicide bombings and kidnapping for ransom in the name of ISIL (Hart, 2019).

Exclusionary Politics in the Bangsamoro

As mentioned earlier, the current Bangsamoro regional government operates on both power-sharing and power-dividing approaches. Power-sharing mechanisms provide the consociationalism backdrop for autonomous regions in order to provide substantial representation and guarantees for ethnic minorities through measures like territorial decentralization, proportional representation of government positions, and decision rights to minority ethnic groups (Coronel-Ferrer, 2012).

On the other hand, power-dividing mechanisms such as multiple majorities and check and balance mechanisms among the various decision-making bodies are created in order to create multiethnic political parties who are accountable to their constituents (Coronel-Ferrer, 2012). Both mechanisms are provided in the creation of autonomous governments to raise the prospects of national unity among previously ethnically diverse groups.

However, Paredes (2015) laments the current setup of the Bangsamoro regional government as ‘Moro-dominated’. Citing Mohagher Iqbal, the former MILF chief negotiator in the GRP-MILF peace process, the relationship between Moros and the other indigenous groups are often based on the notion of the political superiority of the Moros in the peace process. Using a pseudonym (Jubair), Iqbal (2007) as cited in Paredes (2015) argues:

‘The MILF does not deny Lumads the right to their own ancestral domain, but argues that their fate is inseparable because of history. It is their destiny to be the ‘small or younger brother’ of the Moros, who will protect them.’

Nevertheless, in spite of the unique ‘tri-people’ approach in the Bangsamoro where Christians, Moros, and Lumads coexist; the conditions of latter remain unchanged due to bureaucratic neglect, political superiority of the Moros, state favoritism to Christian settlers, and constant marginalization of the Lumads in their ancestral domain (Paredes, 2015). Moreover, this fragile peace is further complicated by the Lumad’s marginalization of the peace process that make them vulnerable to recruitment by state and non-state armed groups (Coronel-Ferrer, 2013).

According to Alamon (2017), the recruitment of Lumad fighters in the New People’s Army (NPA) are caused by the framing of the Communist Party of the Philippines and the New People’s Army (CPP-NPA) in the Lumad struggle in Mindanao as a class struggle that makes it conducive for the Lumads to join their rebellion against the Philippine nation-state. This is supported by Duterte’s (2017) recent claim that 75% of the NPA’s foot soldiers are mostly Lumads:

‘75 percent of the rebels now, Lumads. Sila ang pinupusta ng NPA. Hindi ‘yung mga Bisaya, hindi ‘yung mga Ilonggo, hindi ‘yung mga Ilocano. Sila ang ginagawang sundalo. Pagka kaunti-kaunti nila, sila ang maubos. ‘Yung tribo nila will be left with — wala ‘yung mga lalaki, nasa — pumayag na gawing sundalo (75% of the rebels now [are mostly] Lumads, they are the ones [being recruited] by the NPA...Not the Visayans, not the Ilonggos, not the Ilocanos. They [Lumads] are made into soldiers [for the NPA]. When they are small in numbers, they are eventually eliminated. Their tribe will be left without the men - agreeing to be soldiers, (Duterte, 2017 as cited in Capistrano, 2017).’'

This ‘tri-people’ approach is espoused by various groups such as Mindanao-based NGOs, minority groups, and human rights organizations in order to promote peaceful coexistence between the three notable ethnic groups in the Bangsamoro as a “contested territory'' (Coronel-Ferrer, 2013; Paredes, 2015). In the Mindanao case, the tri-people approach is presented by civil society to the state, represented by the Christian Filipino majority, in order to correct the injustices committed to the Moros (Paredes, 2015). However, Lumad interests are often sidelined in favor of the two dominant ethnic groups since they are often regarded as ‘second class minorities’ (Barter, 2015). If this existing relative peace only remains in favor of certain ethnic groups, then genuine peace will always be elusive in the long run.

Securing Peace under Greater Autonomy

Upon the enactment of the new Bangsamoro law (RA 11054), the Bangsamoro Transition Authority (BTA) as the interim regional government is created in order to assist in the transformation of former rebels into politicians that will eventually create multiethnic parties (Taniguchi, 2020). Indeed, this transformation is crucial in the success of the Bangsamoro government as an ideal model for peaceful transitions to previously war-torn societies.

In order to finally acknowledge the historical injustices committed on both sides, there are proposals to the Bangsamoro regional government to finally create a truth commission for Mindanao (La Viña, 2012; Castillo, 2014). According to Castillo (2014), the creation of a transitional justice system in the Bangsamoro is important because:

‘It is also crucial for a localized transitional justice process to be responsive to the diversity of and contestations over understandings of the past and the present, the advantages and pitfalls of truth-telling; and the weight of emotions, betrayal, mistrust and memory.’

Another important aspect in finally addressing the security issues in ethnically diverse societies is the demobilization, disarmament, and reintegration (DDR) of former rebel fighters. According to a report from the International Crisis Group (2019), the Bangsamoro government must also address in the disarmament of thousands of former militants, reign in other Islamist groups, and provide assistance in the integration of former guerillas to government service. Considering that gun culture is deeply embedded in Moro society, it will be hard for former rebels to give up their weapons to the government since they have used them for decades as a form of personal security and/or communal defense. As of this writing, the MILF is expected to turn over at least 2,100 weapons this year as agreed in the CAB last 2011 (Sarmiento, 2019).

Thus, conflicts in ethnically divided societies are often faced with complicated challenges ranging from territorial arrangements, disarmament of former rebels, and human rights atrocities during and after the bloodshed. Consequently, a multi-level approach from the national, regional, and local levels is needed to address the grievances committed by all parties once and for all.

Conclusion

The implementation of a peace agreement in a region ravaged by decades of civil war is a daunting task. There is no ‘one size fits all’ approach to finally settle all these grievances in the longue durée. However, identifying the factors why making peace in ethnically-divided societies, such as in Mindanao, is still an important endeavor in view of the theoretical and practical relevance of understanding intrastate wars.

Drawing from arguments mentioned above, the primary factors why peace remains elusive in Mindanao is due to a variety of issues. One is the lack of government effort to genuinely share power to the newly-created Bangsamoro autonomous government in terms of political trust. Second, the complexity of violent extremism promoted by Islamic jihadists still pose a threat to the fragile peace in the region. Third, the exclusionary politics promoted by dominant Moro groups against ethnic minorities remain unaddressed. And finally, the lack of transitional justice and genuine DDR mechanisms to rectify the atrocities committed by various key conflict actors impedes all parties to move on from the spoils of war.

To sum up, if the Philippine government turns a blind eye in considering the factors mentioned earlier, then peace in Mindanao will still be elusive for the next generations to come.

References

Alamon, A. (2017) Wars of extinction: Discrimination and the Lumad struggle in Mindanao. Mindanao Interfaith Institute on Lumad Studies.

Abinales, P. & Amoroso, D. (2005) State and Society in the Philippines. Rowman and Littlefield Publishers.

Agence France-Presse (2017, October 19) Marawi: City destroyed in Philippines’ longest urban war. Philippine Daily Inquirer. https://newsinfo.inquirer.net/939202/marawi-war-maute-terrorism-duterte-isnilon-hapilon-is-islamic-state

Banlaoi, R. (2005) Abu Sayyaf Group: From Mere Banditry to Genuine Terrorism. Southeast Asian Affairs. 1(1): 247-262. https://doi.org/10.1355/SEAA06O

Barter, S.(2015) ‘Second-order’ ethnic minorities in Asian secessionist conflicts: problems and prospects. Asian Ethnicity. 16(2): 123-135. https://doi.org/10.1080/14631369.2015.1003687

Buendia, R. (2006) The Mindanao conflict in the Philippines: ethno-religious war or economic conflict? In A. Croissant, B. Martin, S. Kneip (Eds.) The Politics of Death: Political Violence in Southeast Asia. LIT Verlag

Capistrano, Z. (2017, June 22) Untrue: NDFP belies Duterte’s claim that 75% of NPAs are Lumad. Davao Today. http://davaotoday.com/main/politics/untrue-ndfp-belies-dutertes-claim-that-75-of-npas-are-lumad/

Castillo, R. (2014) Perspectives on Truth, Justice, Reparation, and Reconciliation in Central Mindanao. In Moving Beyond: Towards Transition Justice in the Bangsamoro Peace Process. forumZFD Philippines.

Coakley, J. (2009) Comparing ethnic conflicts: Common Patterns, Shared Challenges. Nationalism and Ethnic Politics. 15(3-4): 261-279. https://doi.org/10.1080/13537110903389320

Coronel-Ferrer, M. (2012) To share or divide power? Minorities in autonomous regions, the case of the autonomous regions in Muslim Mindanao. Ethnic and Racial Studies, 35(12): 2097-2115. https://doi.org/10.1080/01419870.2011.605901

Coronel-Ferrer, M. (2013) Costly wars, elusive peace: Collected articles on the Peace Processes in the Philippines, 1990-2007. University of the Philippines Press.

Espina-Varona, I. (2016, March 10) Alphabet of terror in the Philippines’ political boiling pot. Catholic News Asia. https://www.ucanews.com/news/alphabet-terror-philippines-political-boiling-pot/75448

Frake, C. (March 1998) Abu Sayyaf: Displays of Violence and the Proliferation of Contested Identities Among Filipino Muslims. American Anthropologist, 100(1): 41-54. https://doi.org/10.1525/aa.1998.100.1.41

Gurr, T. (June 2002) Attaining Peace in Divided Societies: Five Principles of Emerging Doctrine. International Journal on World Peace. 19(2): 27-51. https:/doi.org/10.2307/20753354

Hart, R. (2019, July 22) Abu Sayyaff is Bringing More of ISIS’ Brutal Tactics to the Philippine. World Politics Review. https://www.worldpoliticsreview.com/articles/28054/abu-sayyaf-is-bringing-more-of-isis-brutal-tactics-to-the-philippines

International Crisis Group. (2019, June 27) The Philippines: Militancy and the New Bangsamoro. Report No. 301. https://www.crisisgroup.org/asia/south-east-asia/philippines/301-philippines-militancy-and-new-bangsamoro

Jarstad, A. (2009) The Prevalence of Power-sharing: Exploring the Patterns of Post-election Peace. African Spectrum 44(3): 41-62. https://doi.org//10.1177/000203970904400303

La Viña, A. (2012, September 16) Riverman’s Vista: A Truth Commission in Mindanao. MindaNews. https://www.mindanews.com/mindaviews/2012/09/rivermans-vista-a-truth-commission-for-mindanao/

Lara, F. & Champain, P. (2009, July) Inclusive peace in Muslim Mindanao: revisiting the dynamics of conflict and exclusion. International Alert. https://www.international-alert.org/sites/default/files/publications/Inclusive_Peace_in_Muslim_Mindanao_Revisiting_the_dynamics_of_conflict_and_exclusion.pdf

Paredes, O. (2015) Indigenous vs. native: negotiating the place of Lumads in the Bangsamoro homeland. Asian Ethnicity, 16(2): 166-185. https://doi.org/10.1080/14631369.2015.1003690

Philiippine Census 2000 (2005, June 8) Mindanao Comprised About 24% of the Philippines Total Population. Philippine Statistics Authority. https://psa.gov.ph/content/mindanao-comprised-about-24-percent-philippines-total-population

Revelli, P. (2020, April) Philippine revives self-rule for Bangsamoro. Le Monde Diplomatique. https://mondediplo.com/2020/04/09philippines-bangsamoro

Rodil, B. (1994) The Minoritization of Indingenous Communities in Mindanao and the Sulu Archipelago. Alternate Forum for Research in Mindanao.

Sarmiento, B. (2019, September 19) Philippine rebels learn to live without their guns. Asia Times. https://asiatimes.com/2019/09/philippine-rebels-learn-to-live-without-their-guns/

Snyder, J. (2000) From Voting to Violence: Democratization and Nationalist Conflict. Norton

Taniguchi, M. (2020, August 12) From Rebels to Rulers: The Challenges of the Bangsamoro Government in Mindanao. The Diplomat. https://thediplomat.com/2020/08/from-rebels-to-rulers-the-challenges-of-the-bangsamoro-government-in-mindanao/

Terrorism Research and Analysis Consortium (2020) Maute Group/Islamic State of Lanao/Daulat Ul Islamiya / Daulah Islamiyah (ISEA). Terrorism Research and Tracking Consortium. https://www.trackingterrorism.org/group/maute-group-islamic-state-lanao-daulat-ul-islamiya-daulah-islamiyah

US State Department (2012, July 31) Abu Sayyaff. Office of the Coordinator for Counterterrorism. https://2009-2017.state.gov/j/ct/rls/crt/2011/195553.htm#asg

Walter, B. (2009) Reputation and Civil War: Why Separatist Conflicts Are So Violent. Cambridge University Press.

Yusingco, M.H. (2020, February 15) Countering Violent Extremism after Mindanao’s ‘New Dawn’. The Diplomat. https://thediplomat.com/2020/02/countering-violent-extremism-after-mindanaos-new-dawn/


[Jose Mikhail Perez is a lecturer and researcher based in the Philippines. He has an undergraduate degree in political science and is currently pursuing his master’s degree in international studies at the University of the Philippines Diliman. He writes on armed conflict, civil wars, interethnic violence, the Philippines, and Southeast Asia.]

https://smallwarsjournal.com/index.php/jrnl/art/making-peace-deeply-divided-societies-case-mindanao-southern-philippines

Philippines set to be first buyer of India-Russia cruise missile

Posted to Nikkei Asia (Nov 22, 2020): Philippines set to be first buyer of India-Russia cruise missile (By KIRAN SHARMA and CLIFF VENZON)

BrahMos will boost Manila's coastal defenses, raising concern for China

A BrahMos supersonic cruise missile launcher rolls past during a Republic Day parade in New Delhi in January 2014. © Getty Images

NEW DELHI/MANILA -- India and Russia are looking to export to the Philippines their jointly developed BrahMos supersonic cruise missile, a move that may unnerve Beijing, given its border standoff with New Delhi and territorial disputes with other neighbors in the South China Sea.

The BrahMos takes its name from two rivers -- the Brahmaputra in India and the Moskva in Russia. The missile is manufactured by an Indo-Russian joint venture, BrahMos Aerospace, which was set up in India in 1998 and is responsible for designing, developing and marketing the missile.

"All tests of contemporary versions [of the missile] are successful," said Roman Babushkin, Russia's No. 2 diplomat in New Delhi, in a recent online briefing. Babushkin added that Russia and India are "planning to gradually increase the range of these exclusive missiles and, of course, [to] begin exporting to third countries, starting with the Philippines."

Asked if it had already ordered the weapons, Arsenio Andolong, a spokesman at the Philippine Department of National Defense, told Nikkei Asia that the Southeast Asian nation had inquired about the missile but that the purchase "is still under evaluation." Adding, "It is part of our modernization program to enhance our territorial defense capability."

Last December, the Philippines said that it planned to buy the BrahMos for the army and air force to boost its coastal defenses. Defense Secretary Delfin Lorenzana said the contract would be signed by the second quarter of 2020, and consist of "two batteries," according to the state-run Philippine News Agency.

A C130 transport plane sits on the tarmac at the Philippine Air Force headquarters at Villamor air base, Metro Manila, Philippines. © Reuters

A BrahMos missile battery comprises three mobile autonomous launchers. The BrahMos would be the Philippines' first weapons system with deterrent capability, Lorenzana said.

Equipped with stealth technology and an advanced guidance system, the BrahMos can be launched from air, land, sea and underwater platforms and can carry conventional warheads weighing 200 kg to 300 kg. It has a range of 290 km and is supersonic, shortening flight and engagement time. The missile's speed makes it difficult for targets to disburse. No known weapon can intercept it, according to BrahMos Aerospace.

However, the COVID-19 pandemic appears to have delayed the purchase and some reports say the deal may now be signed early next year.

New Delhi and Manila earlier this month held an online meeting of their commission on bilateral cooperation, co-chaired by India's External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar and Teodoro Locsin Jr., his Philippine counterpart. They agreed to strengthen the two countries' defense engagement and maritime cooperation, especially in military training, capacity-building, goodwill visits and procurement of equipment.

China is likely to view these developments with concern, including the involvement of its ally Russia in supplying the BrahMos to the Philippines.

China has build a military installation on Fiery Cross Reef, located in the western part of the Spratly Islands group, in the South China Sea. © Getty Images

Asked if the missiles are intended to boost the Philippines' defense posture in the South China Sea, Andolong told Nikkei that they "can be used anywhere, actually. That's included in the evaluation [as to] what role will it play in our territorial defense."

India has conducted several tests of the latest versions of the missile recently, amid monthslong tensions with China in eastern Ladakh, along their disputed Himalayan border.

On Oct. 18, the missile was successfully test-fired from the Indian Navy's indigenously built stealth destroyer INS Chennai, hitting a target in the Arabian Sea "with pinpoint accuracy," a Defense Ministry statement said. On Sept. 30, a BrahMos surface-to-surface ground attack cruise missile featuring many Indian-made subsystems was flight-tested. During the test, the missile cruised at a top speed of Mach 2.8, nearly three times the speed of sound.

Harsh V. Pant, head of the strategic studies program at New Delhi-based think tank Observer Research Foundation, pointed out that Russia plays an interesting role in the enterprise.

"Russia clearly sees China as a useful partner when it comes to their posturing vis-a-vis the West. But they are also being pragmatic when it comes to [their] defense exports," which are falling, Pant told Nikkei. He observed that apart from the Philippines, others, including Indonesia, Thailand and Vietnam, have also shown interest in the BrahMos. "If you have to make this defense venture economically viable, then exports are very important."

Under the Missile Technology Control Regime that India joined in 2018, avenues for selling the BrahMos overseas have opened up, said Pankaj Jha, a professor of defense and strategic affairs at O.P. Jindal Global University, pointing out that its range is being extended to 400 km from the original 290 km.

"The Philippines will be supplied with the land component of the missile," Jha told Nikkei, saying it was possible that it might acquire the naval version later.

"It is technically seen a 'carrier killer' sort of a missile if it is used from naval platforms," he said. If the Philippines buys the naval variant, "China will be paranoid. [They would] have a very potent killer in the South China Sea."

https://asia.nikkei.com/Politics/International-relations/Philippines-set-to-be-first-buyer-of-India-Russia-cruise-missile

ASG member surrenders in Tawi-Tawi

Posted to the Manila Bulletin (Nov 22, 2020): ASG member surrenders in Tawi-Tawi (By Nonoy Lacson)

An Abu Sayyaf Group (ASG) member, known to be involved in kidnap-for-ransom activities, surrendered to the Marine soldiers in Tawi-Tawi province on Friday, November 20.

Armed Force of the Philippines- Western Mindanao Command (AFP-WestMinCom) Commander Lt Gen Corleto Vinluan, Jr. identified Saturday the ASG member as Al-Habi Jundam, alias Victor Jundam. He surrendered to the military at about 9 a.m. Friday.

Jundam was an active follower of Sulu-based ASG sub-leader Hairullah Asbang.

According to Vinluan, the surrender of Jundam was a result of the combined efforts of the police and military operating in the province.

“Based on our record, Jundam acted as a security element during the captivity of kidnap victims: John Hablo on October 22, 2013; Jin Hua Chen and Yahong Chen in May 2014; and Rolando De Torchio in October 2015.

He was also involved in the series of encounters against military troops in Sulu Province,” said Vinluan.

Jundam was later turned over to the provincial government of Tawi-Tawi represented by the Province Administrator Hadjimar Matba, Bongao, Tawi-Tawi Mayor Jimuel Que, and Ministry of Local Government (MILG) Tawi-Tawi Officer-In-Charge Cidrimar Maring at the Second Marine Brigade headquarters in Marine Barracks Domingo Deluana, Barangay Sanga-Sanga, Bongao, Tawi-Tawi.

Jundam also underwent custodial debriefing conducted by the Forward Support Medical Team (FSMT-21).

“During the debriefing, Jundam revealed that he was already tired of hiding and he was afraid that he will eventually be the military’s target, thus his surrender,” Rojas said. 

https://mb.com.ph/2020/11/22/asg-member-surrenders-in-tawi-tawi/

Hostages snatched from Sabah unhurt in latest skirmish between Abu Sayyaf and Philippines military

From The Star Online (Nov 21, 2020): Hostages snatched from Sabah unhurt in latest skirmish between Abu Sayyaf and Philippines military (By MUGUNTAN VANAR)

KOTA KINABALU: Four Indonesian hostages abducted from Sabah earlier this year are unhurt as their Abu Sayyaf captors clashed with pursuing Philippines military forces in Jolo.

Regional intelligence sources said the gunmen managed to escape the pursuing Philippines marines who killed Abu Sayyaf sub-leaders Hatib Munap and Sansibar Bencio during the gunfight at Panamao in the southern Philippines island of Jolo on Friday (Nov 20).

The sources said that the four kidnap victims – Arsyad Dahlan, 41; Riswanto Hayano, 27; Edi Lawalopo, 53; and Syarizal Kastamiran, 29; – were not hurt in the clash as Manila continued to pour pressure on the notorious militant group responsible for numerous kidnappings and beheadings.

Five fishermen were abducted from a Sabah-based trawler by six gunmen dressed in black overalls in waters near Tambisan, off Lahad Datu, in January this year.

However, the fifth hostage, identified as La Baa, 32, was killed in a firefight between his Abu Sayyaf captors and Philippines security forces on Sept 28.

The sources said Munap and Sansibar, who were killed in the latest firefight, were sub-leaders of Abu Sayyaf and have been linked to kidnappings in the Philippines and Sabah.

Regional intelligence sources said that there has been little negotiation for the freedom of the four remaining hostages who have been forced to follow their captors who are on the run since Manila ordered the militant group to be wiped out.

Negotiations have also proven tricky with sources claiming that the Abu Sayyaf captors failed to keep their side of the bargain and release hostages after they were paid off in April.

At the time, sources said intermediaries of Indonesian hostages' families had settled the demands of a key Abu Sayyaf kidnap group led by sub-commander Mike Apo, who released them to Abu Sayyaf-linked middlemen.

The hostages have since been shifted around and held captive by various Abu Sayyaf groups amid the military operations.

The Philippines military has been successful in eliminating the group’s members, with one of its biggest successes involving the killing of seven Abu Sayyaf militants who on their way to Sabah during the early hours of Nov 3.

Regional intelligence sources said the seven belonged to the notorious kidnap-for-ransom group of the Jolo-based Sawadjaan family.

https://www.thestar.com.my/news/nation/2020/11/21/hostages-snatched-from-sabah-unhurt-in-latest-skirmish-between-abu-sayyaf-and-philippines-military

SPECIAL REPORT//Sulu rejects extension of BARMM transition (Part 1)

From The Manila Times (Nov 22, 2020): SPECIAL REPORT//Sulu rejects extension of BARMM transition (Part 1) (By Al Jacinto)

1st of a series

ZAMBOANGA CITY: The Sulu province has flatly rejected the proposed extension of the interim Bangsamoro government for another three years, despite, or because, of its “failure” to uplift the living standard of Muslims in the volatile region.

Moro Islamic Liberation Front chairman Al Haj Murad Ebrahim. PHOTO BY RUY MARTINEZ

Former rebel chief-turned-politician Murad Ebrahim is pushing for the extension of the interim government after the recommendation of the peace advocacy group called Mindanao Peoples’ Caucus (MPC) to extend the transition period.

Ebrahim, now the chief minister of the Bangsamoro Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (BARMM) and leader of the Moro Islamic Liberation Front and its armed wing, the Bangsamoro Islamic Armed Forces, said he is backing the MPC recommendation.

MPC’s recommendation is based on its so-called “rapid midterm review” on the Bangsamoro transition period.

A manifesto passed November 17 by the Sulu Provincial Board — after consultations with municipal mayors, peoples’ organizations and the public — said since its inception, the Bangsamoro Transition Authority (BTA), which constitutes the so-called Bangsamoro Parliament and the Regional Government, had not delivered even the most basic of government services as mandated to Sulu.

It said for almost two years, all it delivered were the retrenchment and separation from services of regional employees, causing a great distraught to the affected and their families.

And after almost two years, all they can afford to banner is but the passing of an Administrative Code while the administration of component localities, in particular, the insular provinces, were left to fend for themselves.

Manifesto

The manifesto also scored BARMM’s response to the Covid-19 pandemic in Sulu, saying it has been unsubstantial and wanting, almost negligible even.

To allow the extension of the transition period would be tantamount to escape judgment by the constituents of the BARMM on the performance of the latter vis-a-vis its capability to administer a region, it said.

It added that it would also be a blatant denial of the people’s constitutional right of suffrage, to which the Bangsamoro Organic Law has been incorporated into, thus requiring constitutional amendment or legislative intervention, failing which possible legal redress may be sought.

“[T]he region and the country in general, should be spared the humility and made a laughingstock for perpetuating the condescending brand of a failed experiment,” the manifesto reads,

“The question should be asked to those who are in the seat of authority in the BARMM on why are they so hesitant to submit themselves to an election when even before the transition they have repeatedly boasted of their readiness and preparedness to rule and govern; and how could they have the moral ascendancy to sit as an authority over a region when they are devoid of a mandate by the true will of the people, thereby casting doubts on their platform of so-called Moral Governance?”

It called on the Office of the President, House of Representatives and the Senate, and Constitutional Commissions and other concerned groupings and individuals and the BARMM general populace to disallow and deny all attempts and maneuvers to extend the tenure of the BTA.

It said that aspiring members of the Bangsamoro Parliament should be compelled to submit themselves before the true will of the people to legitimize their mandate through the electoral process as set and scheduled by the Constitution.

Sulu Gov. Sakur Tan said he received reports that Basilan and Lanao del Sur provinces are also opposed to the proposed extension of the interim Bangsamoro government.

https://www.manilatimes.net/2020/11/22/news/regions/sulu-rejects-extension-of-barmm-transition/799712/

2 killed in retribution attack in Basilan

From the Philippine Daily Inquirer (Nov 21, 2020): 2 killed in retribution attack in Basilan (By: Julie S. Alipala)

ZAMBOANGA CITY, Zamboanga del Sur, Philippines — Two persons were killed in Basilan province on Friday, Nov. 20, in an attack that the military said was aimed at avenging the death of the suspected perpetrator’s kin.

Col. Domingo Gobway, commanding officer of the Army’s Joint Task Force Basilan, said a firefight happened in Barangay Langgong in Mohammad Ajul town on Friday.

One side was led by Gion Arasad, said to be a commander of the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF), while the other was led by Jobel and Halifa Abdullah who are suspected to be affiliated with the Abu Sayyaf /group.

Killed in the armed encounter were Ayad Munyong Taha, a councilor of Barangay Langgong who was identified with the Abdullah group, and Iyaji Jaafar, a follower of Arasad.

Arasad’s group allegedly stormed the village of the Abdullah clan retribution for the killing of the former’s son last Oct. 17.

Gobway said that Arasad’s son Radznan Ajid Addala, together with his friend, Adzlan Mujahad Hija, were riding on a motorcycle and each toting M16 assault rifles last Oct. 17 when they were ambushed in Tuburan town.

After killing the two, the six gunmen carted away their firearms. Arasad’s group later implicated the Abdullah group in the crime.

Gobway said Arasad apparently let a month of mourning pass before exacting revenge.

“Rido is part of their culture here, but we are doing our best to intervene to prevent further bloodshed,” Gobway said after meeting Hadji Dan Asnawi, a commander of the MILF’s Bangsamoro Islamic Armed Forces in Basilan.

https://newsinfo.inquirer.net/1363320/2-killed-in-retribution-attack-in-basilan

BIFF leader, 5 followers surrender in Maguindanao

From the Sun Star-Zamboanga (Nov 21, 2020): BIFF leader, 5 followers surrender in Maguindanao

ZAMBOANGA. A leader of the Bangsamoro Islamic Freedom Fighters (BIF) and five followers surrender Friday, November 20, in Maguindanao as they wish to live a peaceful life. A photo handout shows five of the six surrenderers join in a picture taking together with military officials after they surrender. (SunStar Zamboanga)

SIX Bangsamoro Islamic Freedom Fighters (BIFF), including a mid-level leader, have surrendered to the government as they wish to live peaceful and progressive lives, officials said Saturday, November 21, 2020.

Lieutenant General Corleto Vinluan, Jr., Western Mindanao Command (Westmincom) chief, said the group led by Badtogan Amino alias Boy Alas surrendered Friday to the 1st Mechanized Infantry Battalion led by Lieutenant Colonel Cresencio Sanchez, Jr. in Maguindanao.

Vinluan said the followers of Amino who surrendered together with him were identified as Rasid Sangkali alias Kensi; Nasrudin Talib alias Alex; Mohammad Abdul Samad alias Abu Baida; Khulo Amino alias Ulo; and Aladin Gaapar.

“This influx of BIFF surrender is a result of the continuing offensives coupled with the non-combat operations launched by the Joint Task Force Central,” Vinluan said.

From January 2020 to date, a total of 191 officials and members of the BIFF were disarmed through surrender, most of whom already benefited from the livelihood programs of the government and are now living peacefully with their loved ones.

Sanchez said the BIFF surrenderers handed over one locally made 81-millimeter (mm) mortar with base plate and one modified M-14 rifle, one locally made caliber .50 Barret rifle, and two locally made 7.62-mm Sniper rifles.

Amino said during the debriefing that they decided to end their armed struggle because their manpower and capability are continuously dwindling and they are tired of moving from one place to another trying to get out of hock.

“With all our substantial gains and successful campaigns, Joint Task Force (JTF) Central will remain steadfast in working for lasting peace in central Mindanao,” said Major General Juvymax Uy, JTF Central commander. (SunStar Zamboanga)

https://www.sunstar.com.ph/article/1877615/Zamboanga/Local-News/BIFF-leader-5-followers-surrender-in-Maguindanao

Leonido Nabong aka “Ka Charo” comes home

From MindaNews (Nov 20, 2020): Leonido Nabong aka “Ka Charo” comes home (By FROILAN GALLARDO)

TAGOLOAN, Misamis Oriental (MindaNews / 20 November) – A Magna Cum Laude graduate of Xavier University in Cagayan de Oro who joined the New People’s Army (NPA) in the late 1970s was laid to rest at the public cemetery here on Friday morning, a day after his townmates, classmates and former rebels held a parangal (tribute) in his honor.

Leonido “Nido” Nabong, more popularly known by his nom de guerre Ka Charo or Otik, was killed in an encounter with Army troops in Tampilisan town, Zamboanga del Norte last November 13.

He was tagged “Leonardo Nabong” in the Armed Forces of the Philippines order of battle and a reward of 6.15 million pesos was offered for his capture, dead or alive.

HOME. At the wake of Leonido Nabong, 1976 Magna Cum Laude graduate of Agriculture at the Xavier University in Cagayan de Oro, on Thursday,November 19, 2020. Nabong joined the New People’s Army in the late 1970s. He was killed in an encounter in Tampilisan, Zamboanga del Norte on November 13 and was brought home to Tagoloan, Misamis Oriental on November 18. He was buried on November 20. MindaNews photo by FROILAN GALLARDO

The remains of Nabong arrived in his hometown Wednesday morning after Misamis Oriental Governor Yevgeny Emano facilitated the transfer of his remains from Zamboanga del Norte, his family said.

“Welcome home Manong,” read one of the ribbons on the wreath.

During the parangal at his wake in the residence of the Nabongs last Thursday, family members, townmates, classmates and former rebels shared stories of his childhood, his life in the New People’s Army and how he died.

Nabong finished Agriculture at Xavier University in 1976, Magna Cum Laude.

The third of eight children, Nabong was a consistent honor student and pursued his college studies as a scholar.

“He was the favorite of our parents because he was very intelligent. He always got the biggest share of the food on the table, a gesture that Nido resented very much,” his younger sister Chona said.

Aaron Nabong, younger brother of Leonido Nabong spoke of the family life of the 1976 Magna Cum Laude graduate of Agriculture at the Xavier University in Cagayan de Oro joined the New People’s Army in the late 1970s. He was killed in an encounter in Tampilisan, Zamboanga del Norte on November 13, 2020 and was brought home to Tagoloan, Misamis Oriental on November 18. He was buried on November 20. MindaNews photo by FROILAN GALLARDO

His classmates from Xavier University sent flowers and on their Facebook posts, admired how he took the difficult path to help change society.

After his college graduation, he worked in a banana plantation in the Davao region before joining the NPA.

“I won’t forget him and at the same time I will always know where he was,” Arthur Guerzon, Nabong’s best friend, said.

Raymond Toledo, a fellow Atenean, wrote: “To lay down one’s life for one’s principles and for the least of God’s brothers and sisters. Only a giant would be capable of such an act. The Xavier / Ateneo community should honor him. Salamat kaayo, Ka Charo.”

Because of COVID-19 restrictions, only a handful of Nabong’s former comrades came to the parangal.

With a wreath from the National Democratic Front, his former comrades described him as “the rock star of the guerilla movement.”

“The children would be very excited when Ka Charo would come by our village. They always wanted to talk to him because he was always nice to them,” a former rebel said.

According to the former rebels, after the peace talks with the late President Corazon Aquino failed, Nabong was reassigned from Misamis Oriental to Front Monterosa, a guerilla front that straddles Mount Malindang in the tri-boundaries of Misamis Occidental, Zamboanga del Norte and Zamboanga del Sur.

Aaron Nabong, younger brother of Leonido Nabong spoke of the family life of the 1976 Magna Cum Laude graduate of Agriculture at the Xavier University in Cagayan de Oro joined the New People’s Army in the late 1970s. He was killed in an encounter in Tampilisan, Zamboanga del Norte on November 13, 2020 and was brought home to Tagoloan, Misamis Oriental on November 18. He was buried on November 20. MindaNews photo by FROILAN GALLARDO

A former rebel who fetched his remains said Nabong was the only one killed in the ten-man NPA unit that the soldiers engaged in Barangay ZNAC, Tampilisan town, last Friday.

He said Nabong was already suffering from arthritis, a swelling in his joints and had to be attended by a nurse.

“He could not run anymore. That is why I was not surprised he was the only casualty in his squad. He probably ordered everyone to leave him when the soldiers came,” he said.

He said they transferred the remains of Nabong in a white casket. (Froilan Gallardo / MindaNews) 

https://www.mindanews.com/top-stories/2020/11/leonido-nabong-aka-ka-charo-comes-home/

AFP killed 65 Abu fighters in 8 months

From the Manila Times (Nov 21, 2020): AFP killed 65 Abu fighters in 8 months (By Antonio P. Rimando)

CAMP CALARIAN, Zamboanga City: The Western Mindanao Command (WestMinCom) here announced recently that a total of 65 Abu Sayyaf Group (ASG) terrorists were slain during the past eight months in Sulu, according to the latest reports received by visiting Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) Chief of Staff Gen. Gilbert Gapay.

WestMinCom chief Lt. Gen. Carleto Vinluan also informed Gapay that 122 assorted high-powered firearms and 15 improvised explosive devices were seized and surrendered in various operations during the same period.

The AFP chief told Vinluan and his men, ˝Our nation should continue to remain peaceful and secured by being always prepared to quell any attack from all threat elements,˝ even as he promised the soldiers ˝that we will proceed with the AFP modernization program to capacitate our troops toward a fully capable, responsive and highly professional armed forces and source of national pride.˝

At the same time, Gapay commended the WestMinCom ˝for its successful operation that led to the neutralization of seven terrorists in Parang, Sulu, last November 3.˝

He said, ˝Your relentlessness and commitment in defeating these lawless enemies were eminent in this operation and, thus, worthy of appreciation from our organization.˝

The reports showed that WestMinComˊs Joint Task Force-Sulu successfully conducted an operation at about 2 a.m. last November 3 with an Air Force attack helicopter and multipurpose attack craft with Scout Rangers aboard.

According to the reports, during an intense firefight at sea, ˝The terrorists were tracked by an Agusta helicopter through intelligence surveillance and reconnaissance capabilities, enabling the Navyˊs multipurpose attack craft to ram down the rebelsˊ speedboat.˝

The reports bared that killed in the half-hour encounter was Mannul Sawadjaan, who was earlier declared “heir” of slain Islamic State leader Hajan Sawadjaan.

The militaryˊs operation further ˝foiled the rebels’ possible abduction attempts on foreigners and prominent residents in the area.˝

Gapay said, ˝The efficient use of our assets brings about vital gains in our fight against enemies of the state…which proves that armed with high-level weaponry and equipment, our skilled soldiers can render these terrorists defenseless.˝

https://www.manilatimes.net/2020/11/21/news/regions/afp-killed-65-abu-fighters-in-8-months/799153/

High court sets Jan. 19 hearing on terror law

From the Manila Standard (Nov 21, 2020): High court sets Jan. 19 hearing on terror law (By Rey E. Requejo)

The Supreme Court will hold on January 19, 2021 oral arguments on the 37 petitions challenging the constitutionality of Republic Act 11479 or the Anti-Terrorism Law of 2020.

In an advisory, the SC also summoned lawyers of the 37 groups of petitioners to a preliminary conference on November 26 to tackle the coverage of the oral arguments.

The hearing will be held at the SC’s En Banc session hall.

The high court also enumerated the issues for discussion in the oral arguments.

The petitioners and the government, represented by the Office of the Solicitor General, will have to argue their position on issues ranging from legal standing to questions on the law’s language and provisions on surveillance, terrorist designation, and warrantless arrests.

The parties would also have to argue whether or not the court should issue a temporary restraining order or a status quo ante order.

Each side has 30 minutes to present their arguments. Solicitor General Jose Calida may bring up to three lawyers with him, the SC said.

There are 37 petitions questioning the constitutionality of the anti-terrorism law, which was enacted despite concerns that it could legitimize alleged state attacks against government critics and activists under the guise of an anti-terrorism campaign.

Petitioners belonging to the militant groups argued that the government’s “red-tagging” or “terrorist-tagging” of people and groups it perceives to be communist rebels or fronts puts their lives in danger.

The petitioners cited for instance the case of the two Aetas who were charged under the new law allegedly as a form of “reprisal” by the military for the death of a soldier in a supposed encounter with the New People's Army. In another, a progressive religious organization’s assets were frozen for alleged terrorism financing.

Calida had previously asked the SC to cancel the oral arguments, citing COVID-19 health risks and logistical constraints.

https://manilastandard.net/mobile/article/340091

Philippine Military Kills 2 Abu Sayyaf Suspects in Sulu Gunbattles

From BenarNews (Nov 20, 2020): Philippine Military Kills 2 Abu Sayyaf Suspects in Sulu Gunbattles

Philippine military officers interview Indonesian nationals Sarapuddin Koni (red shirt) and Sawal Maryam at a hospital in Jolo, southern Philippines, after they escaped from Abu Sayyaf militants who had kidnapped them, Sept. 7, 2017.  AFP

Philippine government forces killed two suspected Abu Sayyaf Group militants in separate incidents in the southern Sulu Islands on Friday, including a unit sub-leader and one linked to kidnappings of Europeans and an Indonesian several years ago, military officials said.

The killings brought to 17 the number of suspected members of Islamic State-linked ASG slain in a series of raids and gunbattles in the southern Philippines during the month of November. They include seven suspects who were killed by government forces during a chase at sea off the Sulu chain on Nov. 3.

On Friday, a unit from the Marine Battalion Landing Team 1 was attacked at dawn by an Abu Sayyaf unit led by Hatib Munap Binda near Panamao town in Sulu province, the military said in an incident report.

A “30-minute firefight ensued resulting in the death of Binda,” and the wounding of several others, said Lt. Gen. Corleto Vinluan, the military chief in the southern Philippines.

“The troops penetrated the encounter site and recovered the body of Abu Sayyaf group sub-leader Binda,” Vinluan said, adding that the enemy fighters were forced to retreat, taking their wounded comrades with them.

He said an M16 and an M14 assault rifles were recovered.

About an hour later, another team of marines clashed with an Abu Sayyaf faction elsewhere in the region, in a gunbattle that killed a suspected militant identified as Bensio Barahama.

Binda was identified as an associate of Abu Sayyaf sub-leader Alhabsy Misaya who led a spate of kidnap-for-ransom activities in the southern Philippines along the borders with Malaysia and Indonesia, according to military intelligence records.

Misaya was killed in a clash in 2017. Apart from kidnappings, he was also blamed for a bomb attack that killed an American soldier in 2002.

Barahama meanwhile was involved in the kidnapping of two bird watchers, Swiss national Lorenzo Vinciguerre and Dutch national Ewold Horn, the military said.

They were abducted on February 2012 along with a Filipino guide who was able to escape hours later near the island of Tawi-Tawi. Vinciguerre escaped from ASG captivity two years later but Horn was killed in May 2019 as he tried to flee in the middle of a clash between his captors and troops.

Vinluan said Barahama had led efforts to kidnap 10 Filipinos who were held captive at different times and subsequently freed after ransom payments.

On Thursday night, a third Abu Sayyaf suspect was captured on nearby Basilan Island, considered the birth place of the Abu Sayyaf in the mid-1990s.

The suspect was identified as Ranger Siason (alias Abu Ranger), said Lt. Col. Homer Dumalag, chief of the Isabela City Police Office on Basilan. In arresting Siason, he said police and regional intelligence operatives recovered ammunition and explosives, along with a black Islamic State flag.

https://www.benarnews.org/english/news/philippine/militants-kill-11202020133947.html

Capture of NPA members unmasks Misfi, Haran

From the Sun Star-Davao (Nov 21, 2020): Capture of NPA members unmasks Misfi, Haran

Photo courtesy of the 27th Infantry Action Battalion

THE Davao City Government said the recent capture of two young members of a terrorist group in Sitio Quibolog in Barangay Mapula, Paquibato District "unmasked and exposed the true face" of the Mindanao Interfaith Services Foundation, Inc. (Misfi) and the Haran Center of the United Church of Christ in the Philippines in Davao City.

Based on the report from the 27th Infantry Battalion of the 10th Infantry Division, Philippine Army, a former Misfi scholar and a Haran teacher working on Father Selga Street in Barangay 8-A were arrested on November 14 during an earlier encounter between government soldiers and the New People's Army (NPA).

Government authorities identified the arrested as Nasria Bansil and Geliejorain Ngojo, both Misfi scholars, and served as part-time teachers for Lumad children and elderly people camping at the Haran compound.

The arrested NPA members said aside from them who were separated from the group, some of their comrades were also injured after the encounter.

In an issued statement on Thursday afternoon, the City Government commended the government troops for the recent successful operations against the NPA in Paquibato District.

"It also unmasked and exposed the true face of the Mindanao Interfaith Services Foundation, Inc. (Misfi) and the Haran Center of the United Church of Christ in the Philippines in Davao City," the City Government said in a statement.

As scholars, the government said the two were made to sign a Return Service contract, binding them to serve and volunteer with organizations allied with the scholarship donor.

They said before finishing college in 2019, both Bansil and Ngojo volunteered twice in Haran, teaching what they called "Litnum" or basic literacy and numeracy education.

The local government said the two were recruited to become full-time cadres of the terrorist group earlier this year.

"Clearly, Misfi and Haran played important and active roles in the recruitment of Bansil and Ngojo into the underground terrorist movement," the City said, adding these organizations "primed and prepared them into joining a terrorist group that has perpetuated the condition of poverty and underdevelopment across upland communities of indigenous peoples."

The City reiterated "the warning of the security sector about the existence and operations of groups that serve as recruitment arms and fronts of the NPAs."

"These groups operate on the pretense of education, religion, human rights, environment, women empowerment, children’s rights — basically just like Misfi and Haran," the City said.

The local government likened the Misfi schools to the recently closed Salugpungan Ta Tanu Igkanugon Community Learning Center (STTICLC) that has been reportedly teaching ideologies of the NPA, which had been "alarmingly persistent" over the years.

"Haran, on the one hand, has been sheltering lumads from Talaingod in Davao del Norte — apparently to bolster the Left’s campaign against military operations in hinterland areas where the terrorists NPAs are operating," it said.

The City also said they had been using children and civilians "to stop military pressure of the NPAs" as a tactic straight from the National Democratic Front of the Philippines, the Communist Party of the Philippines, and its allies.

The City Government said they are currently working to establish order and sustainable development in Paquibato District through Peace 911, a city program that provides livelihood and economic opportunities, education, roads, bridges, community health centers, and other infrastructure projects.

"We call on all peace-loving Dabawenyos to reject individuals and organizations that hamper the development of our city," the city government said, adding to "stand against individuals and organizations that, in the guise of selfless and pro-people acts, plant seeds of terrorism in our youth."

Representatives from Misfi have not yet issued their statements as of Friday.

Haran and Salugpungan, in a previous report, had been denying the local government's allegations, citing it as a constant "red-tagging and terror-tagging" against them. (Ralph Lawrence G. Llemit with reports from Jeepy P. Compio)

https://www.sunstar.com.ph/article/1877585/Davao/Local-News/Capture-of-NPA-members-unmasks-Misfi-Haran

Communist recruitment inside UP & PUP Campuses is real and happening

 Posted to The Manila Paper (TMP) Facebook Page (Nov 18, 2020): Communist recruitment inside UP & PUP Campuses is real and happening.

However, we have not seen the UP & PUP Administrations did any thing to stop it. If it is not toleration then we will call it connivance, treason, sabotage, cover up, negligence.

#NotoCommunistrecruitment_UP
#NoToCPPNPANDF

https://www.facebook.com/themanilapaperph/photos/a.108525357488885/191633552511398/?type=3&theater

https://www.facebook.com/themanilapaperph

SOLCOM: The Battle Lines are Drawn

Posted to the Southern Luzon Command (SOLCOM) Facebook Page (Nov 21, 2020): The Battle Lines are Drawn

The NTF ELCAC will push to its legal limits the exposure of the duplicitous nature of the CPP NPA NDF, which through half a century, has kept our country and people divided, aided mainly by the equally exploitive oligarchs and politicians who kowtow with them for the vote of the CPP's perceived "masses".

In the light of the current administration's drive to finally end this communist armed conflict, the AFP, the PNP, as well as the other agencies have finally converged to unrobe these monsters who have been killing our children, peasants, women, and other vulnerable sectors. For the first time in history, we are seeing a very strong resolve from the national leadership to really put an end to this communist malaise.

Legal fronts? That's passe, an argument that would no longer stand in the court of public opinion. The battle lines have been drawn in the line & KAMATAYAN BLOC can no longer claim to be a legal organization. They operate both above ground and underground, as revealed by hundreds of former rebels and former cadres of the CPP NPA. The people have been enlightened with the revolutionary tactics of the CPP to deceive the people and exploit their naivete and enjoin them to support an illegal organization pretending to be legal.

Case in point is the exploitation of the celebrities, who only have the heart to defend the cause of abused women and children, or of impoverished people who have so little in life. The KAMATAYAN BLOC are quick to seize these opportunities and piggyback on the popularity of kind hearted celebrities, in the hope of swaying their million fans into supporting these underground organizations.

Such is the case of those poor nuns of the Rural Missionaries of the Philippines (RMP). Just like our celebrities, church workers and lay people command respect from our communities because of the strong influence of religion to our society. It is not surprising therefore, that these sectors are also targeted by the CPP, in order to provide them a perfect cover for their criminal and terroristic acts. Through a systematic process following their classic Arouse-Organize-Mobilize (AOM), some members of the religious groups are individually targeted until they are subverted into fighting a cause they don't fully understand. Is this ever possible, given the religiousity of these lay people? Of course.

Lets start with Fr Luis Jalandoni, who was recruited in Spain in 1960's through a radical Spanish priest classmate Fr Jose Ma Diez Alegria, at the Gregorian University in Rome. Fr Alegria eventually left the Roman Catholic Church and became a member of the Spanish Communist Party, and so did Jalandoni who joined the Communist Party of the Philippines. From those ties, the influence of Liberation Theology in Latin America spread with the creeping strategy of the communists around the world, and reaching the shores of Kampuchea, Vietnam, North Korea, Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, and many more. Have we forgotten the violence and the millions that the Communist governments killed in Kampuchea, Indonesia, and Vietnam? We almost did, even as our own CPP NPA terrorists continue to kill thousands of our people, civilians, with the aim of intimidating and terrorizing them to muster some support by force. That's what happened to our society.

The NPA goons threatened the DepEd as they recruited, ACT members amongst our teachers. They threatened our industrial sector, as they recruited radicals through the KMU. They threatened faculty and students of UP, as they continue to recruit intelligent students into the ranks of the LFS, NUSP, CEGP, Anakbayan, Kabataan and eventually the underground KM.

They threatened many more sectors into silence, including government officials, as they recruited government workers to COURAGE. They intimidated fiscals, judges and their families, as they infiltrated the judiciary through the NUPL, and eventually the underground LUMABAN.

Going back to the church, let us look back at how Fr Conrado Balweg revealed its tactic of attacking a community near an ambush area, in order to agitate the people and eventually recruit them into the NPA to avenge the death of relatives, killed by their NPA recruiters led by Balweg.

Let us refresh our minds with the recruitment of IP children in North Cotabato, by Fr Pops Tentorio, an Italian priest who were later killed, for sending to the NPA ranks 700 of his 800 'scholars'. The same Fr Pops would be declared by Ibon Foundation books as "National Hero" to the IP students of Salugpungan schools which the government finally closed down.

What about Fr Frank Fernandez and Fr Frank Navarro? They all have stories of deception and brutality to tell. What about Sister Fox, the Australian radical who was eventually expelled by the government.

These members of the clergy were exploited by the CPP for one simple reason "use them to advance the cause of the revolution, capitalizing on the influence and respect that they normally are accorded by our fellow faithful Filipinos.

So now we have this case of the RMP. The NUPL is again invoking "argumentum ad misericordiam" because the subjects involved are old nuns. But are they above the law? How can these NUPL lawyers disregard the following facts: 1. RMP by above nun along with 10 others was charged before the MeTC of QC for Perjury ( this had passed the crucible of Probable Cause before the Prosecutor’s Office - DOJ) 2. Trial is on going as we presented the SEC Representative who testified that RMP’s SEC Registration had been revoked or cancelled 13 years ago (from 2019- when this case was filed) 3. In an attempt to derail the on going trial, NUPL lawyers led by Atty Ephraim Cortez filed before the RTC of Quezon City, a Petition for Review on Certiorari ,under Rule 65 with a prayer for the issuance of a TRO. OSG lawyers appeared yesterday OPPOSING the TRO and the dismissal of the Petition for Review for utter lack of legal basis. TRO denied as Atty. Cortez of NUPL was confronted by my 4 lawyers of a certificate of arraignment of all the 11 accused ,including the nun above shown. Hence the TRO had been mooted, parties were given 15 days from yesterday to file their Position Paper on the main Petition 4. Meantime, RTC Manila , by Petition of the AMLC issued a Provisional Asset Preservation Orders (PAPO), provisionally freezing of RMPI BPI account worth Php 15,000,000.00 The above factual milieu and antecedent proceedings clearly negate RAPPLER’s writer Lian Buan’s malicious and totally distorted piece.

The lines are drawn. The NTF ELCAC will be firm about it. We can either support our legal system, the rule of law, the morality & propriety of ending this communist insurgency or we don't. The other only option is to join the underground and face the wrath of all the people victimized for 52 years by the CPP NPA NDF, backed by the government's constitutional might.

LTGEN ANTONIO G PARLADE JR PA
Commander, SOLCOM/NTF ELCAC

https://www.facebook.com/SouthernLuzonCommandAFP/photos/a.1503968379863230/2736318849961504/?type=3&theater

https://www.facebook.com/SouthernLuzonCommandAFP/posts/2736318893294833?__tn__=K-R

https://www.facebook.com/SouthernLuzonCommandAFP/