Thursday, November 7, 2019

NDF/FRSO: FRSO condemns wave of repression against trade unionists, progressive activists in Philippines

Freedom Road Socialist Organization statement posted to the National Democratic Front Philippines (NDFP or NDF) Website (Nov 7, 2019): FRSO condemns wave of repression against trade unionists, progressive activists in Philippines

Freedom Road Socialist Organization stands in opposition to the wave of political repression that is being unleashed in the Philippines. The U.S.-backed regime of President Duterte has carried out a series of raids on homes and offices, jailing more than 60 participants in the progressive and national democratic movement.

According to reports, among those arrested in the raids were 40 members of the militant labor movement Kilusang Mayo Uno (KMU)/May First Movement. Leaders of the KMU have toured the U.S. in the past, speaking of their struggle for justice and a better way of life. They need our solidarity now. Also arrested were members of the National Federation of Sugar Workers, women’s groups, patriotic movements, and organizations of the urban poor. The Duterte regime is trying to justify these raids and arrests with planted ‘evidence’ and attempts to whip up anti-communism.

Duterte’s raids and arrests in Negros, Samar and Metro Manila are signs of the regime’s weakness and growing isolation. In the cites and the rural areas, the broad masses of people are tired of a tyrannical, corrupt government and its foreign backers.

We stand with the national democratic movement in Philippines, which is fighting with all its strength for a country that has true democray, land reform, and better way of life for the broad masses of people.

We demand that U.S. troops get out of the Philippines and that all assistance to the corrupt Duterte regime come to and end.

Say no to the repression!
Support the labor movement in Philippines!
Support the just struggle of the Filipino people!

NDF/Sison: History of anti-imperialist struggle and people’s war in the Philippines

Jose Maria Sison posted to the National Democratic Front Philippines (NDFP or NDF) Website (Nov 6, 2019): History of anti-imperialist struggle and people’s war in the Philippines

NDFP Chief Political Consultant Jose Maria Sison / Photo NDFP archive

Lecture on the occasion of the 4th Berlin Autumn Salon
By Jose Maria Sison

Dear Friends,

I am tasked to give you the history of the anti-imperialist struggle and people’s war in the Philippines. The Filipino people had their first violent encounter with a modern imperialist power when the US launched a war of aggression in 1899 to violate their national independence which they had just won from Spanish colonialism by armed revolution.

In facing up to an imperialist power with superior military weapons in 1899, the Filipino people have had to learn warfare that relies on their strength and on their mastery of their own terrain. The learning process has continued up to now. The development of people’s war will continue until total victory can be achieved in the struggle for national and social liberation against a semicolonial and semifeudal ruling system still dominated in an all-round way by US imperialism and reaction.

People’s War against Spanish Colonialism and US Imperialism

Towards the end of the 19th century, several countries like the US, Germany and Japan had developed monopoly capitalist economies without the colonies for the secure export of surplus capital and surplus commodities. Thus, they coveted the colonies possessed by the weaker colonial powers like Spain and Portugal which had not industrialized their economies.

Among the new imperialist powers, the US had the advantage of an alliance with British imperialism. It was determined to take over the colonies of Spain and to launch a war for the purpose. In connection with its plan to start the Spanish-American War of 1898, the US pretended to befriend the exiled Filipino junta headed by Aguinaldo in Hongkong and encouraged it to resume the war of independence against Spain.

Aguinaldo was brought back to the Philippines on an American cutter in order to proclaim Philippine independence on June 12, 1898 in Kawit, Cavite under the “noble protection” of the US. The Filipino people responded enthusiastically to the proclamation, rose up in arms and liberated the Philippines, except the Spanish-controlled walled city in Manila which was ripe for seizure.

However, the US also brought its forces of imperialist aggression and pushed out Filipino troops from strategic positions around the walled city. It colluded with the Spanish authorities to hand over the walled city after a brief fake naval encounter. In the Treaty of Paris of December 10, 1898, Spain as the loser in the war with the US ceded the Philippines to the US at the price of USD 20 million.

On February 4, 1999, the Filipino-American War broke out. The Filipino revolutionary forces fought the US valiantly against the militarily superior American forces, at first with positional trench warfare from one line of defense to another and eventually with guerrilla warfare. To conquer the Philippines, the US imperialist forces killed 1.5 million Filipinos or 20 per cent of the 1899 Philippine population of 7 million people until 1913.

The use of brute force was combined with the call for “benevolent assimilation” in order to break the will of the liberal bourgeoisie leading the war of independence. After Aguinaldo’s capture and call for peace in 1902, other leaders of his government capitulated,. Thus, the US formally declared the end of the war and the establishment of civil government in 1902 even as armed resistance continued in many areas such as the ones led by Macario Sakay and waged subsequently by the Moros in Mindanao.

The colonial rule of the US over the Philippines which promoted a semifeudal type of economy. It opened the mines, expanded the plantations for export and increased the local manufacturing of goods for household use. It improved the roads, bridges and ports to support domestic and foreign trade. The public school system was established in order to serve the expanded government and business operations under the auspices of US imperialism.

However, nationalist agitation and agrarian unrest continued. The US tried to counter these by pretending to grant autonomy under the Jones Law of 1916 and allowing Independence Missions of Filipinos to go to Washington to plead for independence. The landed estates of the Spanish religious corporations became the target of land reform. But this benefited the Filipino comprador big bourgeoisie and landlord class rather than the poor tenants who could not afford the high redistribution price.

Due to the colonial and semi-feudal conditions, exploitation of the workers and peasants worsened. The miserable conditions were aggravated when the Great Depression adversely affected the production of export crops. Under these circumstances, the leaders of the trade unions and the peasant associations were determined to establish the Communist Party of the Philippines Islands (CPPI). However, soon after founding, the CPPI was suppressed with false charges of sedition against its leaders. In line with the anti-fascist front, the “commonwealth” government legalized the CPPI in 1936. Thereafter, the CPPI merged with the Socialist Party to become one party in 1938.

Under the Tydings-MacDuffie Law of 1934, the US promised to formally grant independence to the Philippines after a ten-year period of “commonwealth” government. This US promise would later blunt the promises of independence and participation of the Philippines in the “Asian co-prosperity sphere” by the Japanese fascists who ultimately challenged, drove out the US from, and occupied the Philippines in the course of World War from 1941 to 1945.

People’s War Against the Japanese Occupation and US Reconquest

The Japanese occupation of the Philippines created the conditions for the merger party of the Communist and Socialist parties to establish the People’s Army Against Japan (Hukbalahap. This enabled said merger party and the people’s army to fight the Japanese fascists and their Filipino puppets with guerrilla warfare and to carry out land reform and build organs of political power in the countryside mainly in Central Luzon. Were it not for certain errors committed by the CPPI-SP leadership, the armed movement of the people could have expanded and blocked the US reconquest of the Philippines.

At first, the US wanted to renege on its promise to grant independence of the Philippines. But it feared that armed resistance could spread. Thus, it granted nominal independence to the Philippines on July 4, 1946 but this was encumbered by the US-RP Treaty of General Relations which preserved the property rights of US corporations and citizens and retained the US military bases and in effect bound the Philippines to the US politically, economically, militarily and culturally as a semi-colony.

The Filipino people and their revolutionary forces did not accept the semicolonial and semifeudal binds and the violence with which the US and its puppets were imposing themselves on the country. Thus, the CPPI-SP merger party reconstituted the People’s Army against Japan as the People’s Liberation Army to fight US imperialism and the ruling system of big compradors and landlords and took the line of revolutionary struggle in 1948.

But the line was adventurist as it sought to overthrow the ruling system in only two years, without consideration of the need to do painstaking mass work, carry out land reform and develop the people’s war and people’s army in stages. Because of this erroneous line, the backbone of the people’s army would be broken in the years ensuing from the dramatic tactical offensives it carried out in 1949.

In the wake of the setbacks from 1949 to the 1950s. The CPPI-SP leadership proceeded to commit further errors that amounted to liquidating the remnants of the people’s army in 1955 and the CPPI-SP merger party itself in 1957. It would be in 1958 when young proletarian revolutionaries arose to form an association to study Marxism-Leninism to apply it on the history and circumstances of the Filipino people in order to resume the Philippine revolution as a new democratic revolution under the leadership of the working class in the era of modern imperialism and proletarian revolution.

The young proletarian revolutionaries joined the remnants of CPPI-SP merger party from the 1962 onwards and took the initiative to work in the Lapiang Manggagawa (Workers Party) and develop relations with the trade unions, peasant associations and student organizations. They created revolutionary groups within these organizations and recruited the youth to form the Kabataang Makabayan, which rapidly spread nationwide .

By 1965, the young proletarian revolutionaries raised within the merger party questions about the history of the party and about the errors and shortcomings that had debilitated and nearly destroyed it. They pointed out the Right opportunist line from 1942 to 1946, the Left opportunist line from 1948 to 1950 and the Right opportunism from 1950 onward. In reaction, the defenders of these opportunist lines exposed their revisionist line and subservience to Soviet modern revisionism from 1965 onward.

Renewed People’s War Against the US Imperialism and Local Reaction

By 1966 the proletarian revolutionaries launched the First Great Rectification Movement. This led to the re-establishment the Communist Party of the Philippines under the guidance of Marxism-Leninism-Mao Zedong Thought on December 26, 1968. The CPP adopted the program of people’s democratic revolution and the strategic line of protracted people’s war. It also adopted its Constitution and upheld the principle of democratic centralism.

A few months after the CPP was re-established, it founded the New People’s Army (NPA) on March 29, 1969 in order to start people’s war. In the months before and after the founding the NPA, politico-military training was carried out to form expansion teams for deployment in the selected areas in five regions. The point was to have as many as five guerrilla fronts as soon as possible so as to prevent the enemy to destroy the entire people’s army.

The First Quarter Storm of 1970, which consisted of a series of gigantic mass actions, generated mass activists not only for the development of the legal struggle but inspired many of them to join the people’s army. In response to Marcos’ threats of proclaiming martial law, the youth activists answered the threat shouting back: “people’s war is the answer to martial law!” Consequently, youth activists volunteered for politico-military training and integration with the people’s army and the peasant masses.

When Marcos declared martial law ion September 21, 1972, thousands of mass activists throughout the country went underground in cities and wanted to join the people’s army. They were given politico-military training and assigned to existing guerrilla units. To cope with the work of training the party cadres and members in the countryside, underground organs of the CPP in the urban areas were redeployed to the countryside.

By 1976, the entire Philippines was already covered by regional Party organizations and all regions (except those of the Bangsamoro) were covered by regional commands of the NPA. By then, it was clear hat the fascist dictatorship was not only inutile in trying to destroy the revolutionary movement but was precisely the cause for many people to join the revolutionary movement and fight effectively the crimes of the despotic regime.

Despite the death or capture of most members of the CPP Central Committee in 1976 to 1977, the people’s war continued to grow in strength and advance nationwide. The CPP cadres and members were capable of strengthening their party ideologically, political and organizationally on the basis of the growing revolutionary mass movement. The New People’s Army excelled at carrying out the strategic line of protracted people’s war, waging extensive and intensive guerrilla warfare on the basis of an ever widening and deepening mass base. The organs of political power and mass organizations were established in the guerrilla fronts.

The US instigated and supported the Marcos fascist dictatorship in the vain hope of using this to suppress the revolutionary movement and perpetuating its hegemony over the Philippines through its all-round control of the reactionary forces, its US military bases and its economic and financial stranglehold on the Philippines. Marcos made it a point to assure the US that the economic interests of US corporations were favored and that the US military bases would stay.

But when Marcos had Benigno Aquino Jr. assassinated in 1983, the US started to reconsider giving support to the fascist dictatorship. It saw Marcos as having become more of a liability than an asset prejudicing US hegemony. It frowned on him as having favored his cronies to an extent that split the ranks of the reactionaries. It also recognized the fact that instead of being able to suppress the armed revolutionary movement this was growing in strength and advancing.

The intensification of the people’s war, the resurgent mass movement in the urban areas, the sharpening contradictions within the reactionary classes, the rise of an anti-Marcos bloc among military and police officers, the anti-fascist pronouncements of the Catholic church and finally manifestations of the US junking of Marcos combined and sealed the fate of Marcos. Millions of people converged on Edsa highway and more a than hundred thousand people encircled the presidential palace. The US had to fly Marcos and his retinue out of the palace and out of the country.

The people’s war made large strides nationwide towards the downfall of Marcos in 1986 and could have made still bigger strides forward after the downfall of Marcos. But the “Left” opportunist line in certain regions started to take a toll on the the revolutionary forces in 1985 and the damage to the movement would increase in certain regions from year to year until the Second Great Rectification movement was launched in 1992 in order to identify, criticize, repudiate and rectify major errors.

The Pseudo-Democratic Regimes After Marcos

After the overthrow of the Marcos fascist dictatorship, a series of pseudo-democratic regimes ensued under the following president: Corazon Aquino (1986-92), Fidel V. Ramos (1992-98), Joseph E. Estrada (1998-2001), Gloria M. Arroyo (2001-10), Benigno S. Aquino III (2010-16) and Rodrigo Duterte (2016-22). All have sought to serve US imperialism and the local exploiting classes of big compradors and landlords, follow the neoliberal and other policy dictates of US imperialism, destroy the revolutionary and preserve the semicolonial and semifeudal ruling system.

The first Aquino regime released all political prisoners and nullified the most repressive decrees of Marcos. But it retained those decrees that were exploitative of the workers and peasants. It gave way to a new constitution that formally carried provisions on the respect of human rights and the prohibition of foreign military bases and weapons of mass destruction on Philippine soil. It boasted of carrying out an agrarian reform program but required the voluntary sale of land by the landlords and allowed landlords to incorporate and securitize their ownership of land.

After seeking a short-term ceasefire agreement with the revolutionary movement, the Aquino regime allowed the military to unleash massacres against the peasantry and ordered it carry out the US-designed strategic plan Lambat Bitag to destroy the revolutionary movement. But the revolutionary movement continued to flourish due to the persistent and aggravated problems of the ruling system, despite the deleterious effects of “Left” opportunism. The regime was economically weak because of the profligacy of the previous regime and the subsequent pledge to “honor” the onerous loans incurred by the previous regime. It promoted trade liberalization in line with the US neoliberal policy.

The Ramos regime pretended to be for peace negotiations. But on the day after signing of the Hague Joint Declaration of 1992, which set forth the frame work for peace negotiations, he created the National Unification Commission (NUC) to undercut the peace negotiations. He repealed the Anti-Subversion Law but he made rebellion a nonbailable capital offense. Only after two years of the failure of the NUC did Ramos agree to the formal opening of peace negotiations. This led to a number of agreements but Ramos failed to sign the most important of them, the Comprehensive Agreement on Respect for Human Rights and International Humanitarian Law (CARHRIHL).

Even while the Ramos regime was engaged in peace negotiations, it pursued a policy of seeking to destroy the revolutionary movement under Oplan Manindigan. This coincided with the CPP carrying out the Second Great Rectification Movement to criticize, repudiate and rectify “Left opportunist” errors. The regime reversed the ban on foreign military bases by making the Mutual Logistical Support Agreement with the US. It tried to bloat the GDP by taking foreign loans for private construction and selling state assets to foreign corporations in order raise funds for running the government. The claims to economic development collapsed when the Asian financial crisis hit the Philippines in 1997.

The Estrada regime signed the CARHRIHL in 1998 but terminated the peace negotiations on May 29, 1999 after the NPA captured General Obillo and after the NDFP opposed the regime’s decision to make the Visiting Forces Agreement, which further reversed the ban on US military bases in the Philippines. While the damages caused by “Left” opportunism to the revolutionary movement were already repaired and the NPA was growing at am increased rate. By early 2001, the national democratic movement was in a position to oust the Estrada regime, which by then had become utterly notorious for corruption.

The Ramos regime and the Asian financial crisis of 1997 had so bankrupted the reactionary government that the Estrada regime was reduced to making money for himself by raiding the social security systems, taking commissions on loans for dubious business projects and taking the lion’s share of b bribes from gambling syndicates. The regime was easily exposed and discredited for corruption. A broad united front of forces against corruption arose to overpower it before it reached its mid-term.

Having benefited from the overthrow of Estrada, the Arroyo regime was initially friendly to the legal democratic forces as the main part of the broad united front that overthrew Estrada. Peace negotiations were resumed and all previous agreements were reaffirmed. But after only three months in power, Arroyo succumbed to the pressures of the reactionary military to carry out a strategic plan named Lambat Bitag aimed vainly at destroying the revolutionary movement. This combined the use of exemplary murders and “legal offensive” of trumping up false criminal charges to harass and arrest suspected revolutionaries.

The Arroyo regime benefited from a renewed loosening of credit by foreign banks. Thus, the private construction boom and the plunder of natural resources were revived. To further strengthen its financial position, the Arroyo regime raised the tax burden on ordinary consumers. It was discredited for being corrupt and for making lopsided agreements with Chinese corporations. It was ripe for overthrow by the mass movement. But time ran out on arranging a broad united front for the purpose. Anti-Arroyo blocs in the reactionary armed forces were foiled for trying to get the chief of staff to join the effort to oust Arroyo.

The Aquino regime went through the motion of pretending to be for peace negotiations with revolutionary movement. But soon enough it came under the pressure of pro-US military officers to undermine the framework of the peace negotiations and abandon the peace negotiations altogether. The regime carried out the Oplan Bayanihan, designed by US military advisors and puppet officers of the reactionary armed forces. It entered into the Enhanced Defense Cooperation Agreement with the US in order to allow US military bases within the puppet military camps.

The people’s war continued to grow in strength, despite the conspicuous collaboration between US military personnel and puppet forces in surveillance, psywar and combat operations. But the NPA grew rapidly in Mindanao precisely because of the enemy offensives. In Luzon and the Visayas, the mass base expanded in many areas. But the problem of conservatism became conspicuous. It consisted of overstressing mass work and overdispersing armed propaganda teams and neglecting the task of launching tactical offensives against the reactionary armed forces.

Like previous regimes, the Aquino regime was corrupt, especially in the use of pork barrel funds. But it gained credit for sending to prison a number of big plunderers, including the former president Arroyo. The Philippine economy was maintained by higher taxation, the remittances of Filipino overseas contract workers and the inflow of portfolio investments from the imperialist countries. The Marcos propaganda machinery worked subtly through the social media to discredit all the post-Marcos regimes and to misrepresent the period of Marcos fascist dictatorship as a glorious age.

Davao city mayor Duterte posed as “Left” and “socialist” in order to gain national standing and overcome charges of human violations against him for butchering suspected drug addicts and criminals. But he was back-staffed by pro-US military officers and financed by Chinese criminal syndicates and the Luzon-based dynasties of Marcos, Arroyo, Estrada and others, which enabled him to win the presidential elections of 2016. From the beginning, the Duterte regime continued the Oplan Bayanihan of Aquino. At the same time, he pretended to be for peace negotiations and appointed three progressive figures to his cabinet only to drop them in less than one year.

The Duterte regime is an extremely traitorous, bloodthirsty, corrupt and duplicitous regime. It has assured the US that it can destroy the revolutionary movement and provide further privileges to US corporations through charter change to federalism. At the same time, it has been allowing China to build and militarize artificial islands in the exclusive economic zone of the Philippines in exchange for high interest loans and overpriced infrastructure project projects.

It also collaborates with Chinese criminal syndicates in smuggling and distributing illegal drugs and other commodities. The bogus war on drugs has been used to make Duterte the supreme protector of drugs and to propagate the line that the regime can justly use extrajudicial killings to solve national problems.

In less than one year after coming to power, Duterte has terminated the peace negotiations with the NDFP and has junked all previous agreements since the Ramos regime. He has designated the CPP and NPA as terrorist organizations and has created a national task force to destroy the revolutionary movement by all means, including those used in the killing of drug suspects.

Suspected revolutionaries as well as critics and legal opposition to the regime are subjected to red-tagging and slander for the purpose harassment, abductions and murder. But the Filipino people and the revolutionary movement are determined to fight and defeat the Duterte regime, which they hold responsible for selling out sovereign rights, gross and systematic violations of human rights, bureaucratic corruption and the worsening socio-economic conditions.

Prospects of the Anti-Imperialist Struggle and People’s War

The open rule of terror under the Duterte regime is a manifestation of the rottenness and decomposition of the semicolonial and semifeudal ruling system. The crisis of this system has become so aggravated that the ruling classes of big compradors , landlords and bureaucrat capitalists have become more unable than ever to rule in the old way by conjuring the illusion of democracy while escalating oppression and exploitation of the people.

As the Marcos fascist dictatorship stoked the flames of people’s war from 1972 to 1986, so do Duterte’s frenzied drive to escalate repressive measures and realize his scheme of full-blown fascist dictatorship compel the Filipino people to fight back, assert national independence and democracy against imperialism and puppetry and intensify the people’s war to achieve the new democratic revolution. Like the Marcos fascist regime, Duterte’s tyrannical regime is unwittingly generating the objective conditions and inciting the subjective factors for the growth in strength and advance of the revolutionary forces in the people’s war.

The workers and peasants are subjected to worse forms of exploitation and their leaders and lawyers have been subjected to extrajudicial killings. The indigenous people and peasant settlers have been subjected to bombings, massacres and forced mass evacuation to make way for foreign and domestic mining, plantations and real estate corporations.

Duterte’s termination of the GRP-NDFP peace negotiations is meant to put the blame on the revolutionary forces for the armed conflict and give him all the license to realize his futile scheme of fascist dictatorship.###

NDF/Julieta de Lima: Art and Culture Related to the Anti-Imperialist Struggle and the History of People’s War

Juliet de Lima address posted to the National Democratic Front Philippines (NDFP or NDF) Website (Nov 6, 2019): Art and Culture Related to the Anti-Imperialist Struggle and the History of People’s War

By Julieta de Lima
Chairperson, International Network of Philippine Studies

Thank you for the opportunity to speak on a subject close to my heart: art and culture in revolution at the “Literature and Revolution Congress” with the th eme of “The Anticolonial Status of Mankind”. You have just heard Prof. Sison’s History of the Anticolonial and Anti-Imperialist Struggles; and People’s War in the Philippines. I shall now speak on how art and culture have been–if I may–choreographed into making such history.

Art and culture predate history and civilization as archaeologists have discovered. Primitive prehistoric humans left carvings and drawings that reflected not only visual primitive art but also a way of perceiving and understanding nature and themselves. These artistic artifacts reflect their activities and practice in gaining ever greater understanding of nature and their own possibilities. We can safely say that art and culture accompany all human activities and social existence in their struggle to understand themselves, nature and its laws.

With civilization classes and class struggles arose. In these class struggles, each class used art and culture to arouse, organize and mobilize its constituency to try to whelm the other class. And so is this reflected in the anticolonial, antifeudal and anti-imperialist struggles of the Filipino people and in the long history of the people’s war, which is the subject assigned to me.

Art and culture in the anti-imperialist struggles of the Filipino People.

The disparate rebellions carried out in different parts of the archipelago since Spanish colonial occupation matured into the First Propaganda Movement conducted by a rising bourgeoisie calling for integration of the Philippines as a province of Spain preceding the advent of the Katipunan revolutionary organization in 1896, which called for Philippine independence through armed struggle. Though led by the worker Andres Bonifacio, the Katipunan continued with its predecessor’s bourgeois liberal ideology. It recognized the importance of art and culture and continued these to conduct propaganda alongside the armed struggle and won the revolution in 1898.

In what we now call the Second Propaganda Movement, the precursors of the reestablished revolutionary party of the proletariat formed informal and voluntary discussion groups to study progressive liberal and Marxist-Leninist-Maoist literature. They discussed ideas that they could not find in formal classes in the university. Later, they formed university-based groups and associations and put up their cultural, literary and artistic instruments for their creative production of progressive propaganda literature (essays, poetry, and literary criticism).

By 1960, they organized the Student Cultural Association of the University of the Philippines (SCAUP) and expanded their propaganda vehicles to include frequent forums and symposiums in addition to the formal and informal discussion groups to attract more attendees and to increase their membership. These raised the political and ideological consciousness of SCAUP members and associates.

It had guest speakers from outside UP as well as progressive visiting foreigners. The subjects included the semifeudal and semicolonial domestic conditions, imperialism, socialism, the Cold War and other world developments that could not be found in the university curricula. These discussion groups predated the campus teach-ins popularized by the Students for a Democratic Society in the US from 1965 to 1968 to oppose the US war of aggression in Vietnam.

SCAUP’s initiatives served to break through the dominant climate of anti-communism flowing from the US McCarthyite witchhunt and the religious sectarianism of the feudal- patriarchal and comprador culture into the university and the country. It served as a university within the university. Its objective of continuing the unfinished Philippine revolution went beyond the UP confines and liberal parameters.

With the defeat and almost total silence of the old merger party of the communist and the socialist parties of Philippines in most of the 1950s, SCAUP picked up the call of Claro Mayo Recto, a progressive nationalist and anti-imperialist, for a second propaganda movement but went beyond his call for nationalism to adopt a socialist perspective.

SCAUP also formed regular clandestine groups to study such works as the Communist Manifesto, Dialectics of Nature, Materialism and Empirio-Criticism, “Wages, Price and Profit,” Mao’s Selected Works, “On Contradiction” and “On Practice.” Ideological work was very important because among the activists not a few were somehow influenced by aesthetic theories and works adhering to such currents as art for art’s sake, petty bourgeois self-titillation, mystical flights or art supposedly transcending classes but truly in the service of the exploiting classes.

SCAUP cooperated with other campus organizations, such as the UP Journalism Club, the Philippine Collegian, the UP Writers’ Club and the fraternities and sororities to promote its political line and advocacies, such as the fight against the anticommunist witchhunt undertaken by the Committee on Anti-Filipino Activities in 1959-61. SCAUP members associated with progressive elders in the faculty, extramural intellectuals and trade unionists.

They connected with trade unions and built contacts with student leaders to initiate student and youth groups and organizations in the other universities in Manila such as Far Eastern University, University of the East, Manuel L. Quezon University, Philippine College of Commerce, Lyceum of the Philippines and others.

By 1963, Progressive Publications was established to publish Progressive Review and educational pamphlets to influence the students, young professional’s and artists. Aside from these the progressive activists used campus publications and from time to time liberal publications such as the Philippines Free Press, Kislap-Graphic, etc. to which they submitted their literary and artistic works, press releases, statements and manifestos for publication. They consciously made friends and recruited established journalists and writers.

After Kabataang Makabayan (KM-Patriotic Youth) was established On November 30, 1964, the national-democratic movement quickly grew all over the country. Realizing the importance of art and culture in the struggle, KM formed its cultural bureau to organize writers and artists of all disciplines, including directors, composers and performing artists.

The KM systematized and conducted cultural work consistently. More groups were formed. Social investigation and mass integration teams doubled as cultural teams to perform in factories, urban and rural communities, college and high school campuses where more performers were recruited and organized to popularize revolutionary songs and other art forms.

Doing propaganda and cultural work among the masses necessitated the use of the national language or the regional lingua franca. Propaganda and other educational materials were translated into Tagalog and other major Philippine languages. English continued to be used for Progressive Review and other publications, including the book Struggle for National Democracy published in 1967 which veritably became the “bible” or basic text of the student and youth activists.

KM campaigned for the national language as the principal medium of education and literary development. University professors and instructors, high school teachers, and writers in English were encouraged to use, write, and conduct discussions in Pilipino. Tagalog and other local languages were used in the conduct of propaganda and agitation among the toiling masses.

The cultural and propaganda performing teams conducted systematic social investigation, mass integration, propaganda and organizing among the youth in urban and rural communities, in factories and school campuses (including high school) targeted for organizing into KM chapters.

Aside from staging performances, they conducted discussion groups and meetings where urgent issues of the day were taken up, in addition to the educational materials they brought with them, consisting of the KM Constitution and Program and mimeographed parts of SND. The schools for national democracy were organized. They flourished during periods of militant mass actions, especially during the First Quarter Storm of 1970.

KM also stressed the importance of studying the works of great Marxist-Leninist-Maoist masters and other revolutionary literature among activists who were honed to conduct social investigation, integrate with the masses and put what they learn into practice, in the spirit of following Mao’s mass line of learning from the masses to be able to teach the masses. The October 24 movement was launched in 1967 to urge the students to engage in mass work among the rural and urban poor.

In their mass work, activists learned at first hand the concrete manifestations of the evils of US imperialism and their subservient domestic ruling classes of landlords and compradors; and the double exploitation and oppression these imposed on the toiling masses. They learned how to expose these evils, to imbibe the aspirations of the masses for a better life; and work out with them the tactics of fighting the manifestations of these evils in their localities. Thus they were able to produce propaganda, literature and art of social and revolutionary significance that easily resonated with the masses and inspired them to join the movement.

Reestablishment of the Revolutionary Party of the Proletariat

Towards the reestablishment of the revolutionary party in 1968, intensive ideological, political and organizational work were conducted. Aside from drafting and discussing basic documents, including the rectification document, “Rectify Errors and Rebuild the Party,” in preparation for the Congress of Reestablishment, revolutionary literary and artistic works were produced to inspire the masses.

Philippine Society and Revolution was written shortly after the Party reestablishment, presenting from the standpoint of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism the main strands of Philippine history, the basic problems of the Filipino people, the prevailing social structure and the strategy and tactics and class logic of the people’s democratic revolution. First mimeographed in the last quarter of 1969, it was the main study material for the Party’s primary course but its circulation went well beyond the Party as this was published serially in the Philippine Collegian under the title Philippine Crisis and Revolution. Its first printed edition was published in the third quarter or 1970, followed by the first foreign edition published by Ta Kung Pao in Hong Kong.

With the founding of the CPP in 1968, cultural work became much more systematized. The cultural, the propaganda and the translation bureaus were organized under the Education Department. More cultural groups were organized in the regions, provinces and communities. NPA propaganda teams were dispatched to start social investigation, conduct mass work and build the mass base for guerrilla operations. Among the first groups they organized were those of cultural workers (painters, reciters of poems, actors, musicians, singers, dancers, etc.) especially among the youth and the women in the communities.

Pre-Martial Law and the FQS

Cultural work was well developed by the time the First Quarter Storm (FQS) broke out. Groups such as KM’sPanday Sining (Art Smithy), Samahang Demokratiko ng Kabataan’s (SDK – Democratic Youth Association) Gintong Silahis (Golden Ray) and the Philippine College of Commerce’s Kamanyang (Frankincense) did outstanding work among youth organizations in Manila and became models for youth and student cultural groups that proliferated in the provinces and regions.

Performance groups arose in the late 1960s to present solo and choral singing, instrumental music, poetry recitation, dances and skits and to create illustrations on publications, posters and walls in order to enliven and invigorate the meetings, mass protests and workers’ strikes.

Writers and artists organized themselves. Panulat para sa Kaunlaran ng Sambayanan (Pen for the prosperity of the People – PAKSA) was founded in 1971 by creative writers in Pilipino and English and other major Philippine languages, who were determined to serve the Filipino people.

Fine Arts and Architecture students and young professionals from UP and other universities founded the Nagkakaisang Progresibong mga Artista at Arkitekto (United Progressive Artists and Architects-NPAA) also in 1971. Most of them were members either of SCAUP or KM and had been very much involved in propaganda work in either of these organizations.

Many creative writers and artists joined the underground and armed revolutionary movement and created more works about the dire social conditions, the sacrifices and the struggles of the Filipino people. Literature and art flourished most among the NPA propaganda and cultural teams with the masses in the countryside. The central and regional publications of the CPP, NPA, and NDF published songs, poems, short stories and illustrations. Cultural organizations published, performed or exhibited the literary and artistic works of their members.

Songs, poetry recitations and educational lectures were popularized through audio cassette recorders and players. Revolutionary songs were recorded and reproduced for distribution to the provinces and regions for popularization. They were performed in celebrations and community gatherings in urban and rural communities. Primary and elementary school children sang them while at play.

Martial Law: from 1972 until the fall of Marcos in 1986

When martial law was proclaimed, artists and creative writers joined the underground and became Red fighters and at the same time practiced their craft. Their works were published in the revolutionary publications. Many writers and artists were abducted and tortured, became martyrs, and many more were imprisoned.

Fascist repression took a toll as Party cadres and members were captured and imprisoned. But it was futile for the fascist regime to detain them. Neither prison walls nor barbed wire fences could silence them. In prison, they reflected on their experiences, maintaining their strong ideological viewpoint and political standpoint, nurturing and polishing their craft with even more revolutionary fervor and relevance.

Arts and crafts flourished and flowed out of prisons to celebrate and inspire the struggling masses in songs, poetry, paintings, drawings, carvings, and myriads of handicrafts from materials that could be found in prison. Though they lost grip of the gun, the imprisoned cultural activists firmly grasped the pen to inspire their comrades and friends outside wielding both gun and pen as artistic and cultural work also flourished among them.

Prisons all over the country became crucibles of artistic creations, especially because despite the deprivations, these were venues for reflection (even for those in isolation cells) and for continuous regular revolutionary education. Outstanding songs, poems, paintings, drawings, carvings, pins, cards, handicrafts and others streamed out of prisons. They could be brought outside in various open and clandestine ways; and were sold and circulated far and wide to help boost the spirit of antifascist and anti-imperialist international solidarity among solidarity groups in Europe, North America and other continents.

Outstanding songs created in prison found their way out into the public, were sung at mass gatherings and demonstrations and reached the countryside and the guerrilla zones. Political detainees in various detention camps wrote and performed plays on the struggles of the workers, peasant and urban poor likewise reached the countryside and the guerrilla zones also to be performed there by the masses and the Red fighters.

Despite intense repression, cultural and propaganda groups and cultural work proliferated. Elaborate stage presentations and socially relevant mainstream movies were produced. Many won national and international awards. Graphic and visual artists organized Kaisahan (Unity) in 1976, which defined the artists’ role in society and produced works depicting the oppression and exploitation of workers, peasant and urban poor by imperialism, feudalism and bureaucrat capitalism.

Cultural groups and organizations burgeoned and their various productions increased. Anniversaries of the Party, NPA and NDF were celebrated with much cultural fanfare. Revolutionary songs and poems were recorded in cassette tapes and distributed to the regions and provinces for popularization such that one would know the guerrilla areas by hearing children singing them.

Anthologies of literary works and songs were published in the Philippines and abroad, under the direction of the Party’s National Commission on Culture. The Instityut sa Panitikan at Sining ng Sambayanan (Institute for the People’s Literature and Art – IPASA) published Akdang Pandigmang Bayan (Works for the People’s War),Ulos (Spear), and Dare to Struggle, Dare to Win (1973); Hulagpos (Break Free -1981); Mga Tula ng Rebolusyong Pilipino 1972-80 (Poems of the Philippine Revolution 1972-80); and more. Revolutionary literary works circulated among the people in urban and rural areas.

Lightning cultural performances were held even in city centers. Protest graffiti, periodikits and sticker-posters of various sizes could be found on walls, waiting sheds, and inside buses and jeepneys. A collective of creative writers and illustrators were able to produce the illustrated version of Philippine Society and Revolution in Tagalog translation. Prison & Beyond was published in 1985 and won the Manila Writers’ Award and later the Southeast Asian Write Award.

T-shirts with slogans and creatively designed placards and streamers, to huge murals and paper mache effigies were displayed at big marches and rallies. Protest music and street theater became widespread and popular through many small musical and theater groups based in unions, urban poor communities and schools. The resurgence of progressive and revolutionary art in the urban areas ran parallel to the constantly rising artistic and other cultural activities in the countryside.

To this day, the richest sources of literary and artistic works of revolutionary writers and artists are the central and regional publications and literary journals of the CPP, the NPA and the NDF. They publish songs, poems, short stories, illustrations and comic strips, aside from disseminating news and information about the revolutionary forces and the people in their respective areas.

An outstanding achievement of Filipinos abroad and the Philippine international solidarity movement was the Permanent Peoples’ Tribunal Session on the Philippines from October 30 to November 1, 1980. It found the fascist dictator Marcos guilty of grave and numerous economic and political crimes against the people in the Philippines and declare him unfit to govern, and subject to severe punishment for his past wrongs. It also condemned the US government for its role in sustaining, supporting and encouraging Marcos to act o of its own economic and global strategic interests.

The CPP and the national democratic movement in both urban and rural areas gained momentum and grew in size and strength during the pre-martial law and martial law rule of Marcos, despite the counterinsurgency strategy using the triad concepts of intelligence, psywar and combat operations under the AFP Oplan Katatagan (Stability).

Marcos’ assassination of Aquino led to an upsurge in the antifascist struggle that before long convinced the US policy makers to drop Marcos, encourage a fraction of the military to organize themselves into the Reform the Armed Forces Movement (RAM) against Marcos and support the anti-Marcos reactionaries to try to drive a wedge between the rapidly growing alliance between anti-Marcos reactionaries and the revolutionary forces. Marcos followed the US call for a snap election.

The US-supported opposition candidate was Aquino’s widow, Corazon Cojuangco Aquino, who since 1983 after her husband’s assassination had been working closely with the revolutionary mass movement. Unfortunately the CPP made a tactical error by calling for an election boycott on the ground that Marcos would stack the cards and win the elections anyway.

Thus progressive mass movement or advanced section of the broad masses missed an opportunity to take advantage of the anti-Marcos electoral campaign as venue for reaching the greater number of the masses to raise popular consciousness from the usual politicking issues to more fundamental issues affecting people’s lives and to raise their struggle to the level of necessary reforms against the US imperialists and the worst among local exploiting classes of compradors, landlords and bureaucrat capitalists that had further enriched themselves through landgrabbing and corruption with Marcos in power.

Indeed Marcos won the elections by using sheer fraud and intimidation. But this further outraged the people that again they took to the streets in hundreds of thousands. RAM took this as a signal and attempted a coup against Marcos. However, this was foiled by the Marcos loyalists in the military. Fortunately for the RAM, the mass movement combining with the Catholic Bishops Conference of the Philippines (Church) led by Jaime Cardinal Sin and the Aquino supporters came to their rescue in the EDSA Uprising that led more of the military to abandon Marcos. Finally the Marcos fascist dictatorship fell.

Marcos’ fall catapulted Corazon Aquino to the presidency. She declared a revolutionary government and made good on her promise to release all political prisoners. The goodwill built through the united front with the anti-Marcos reactionaries during the anti-Marcos struggle lasted for a while but did not last long as Aquino remained in the clutches of the US and the military. Progressives she appointed to the cabinet were later removed or forced to resign.

Repression returned with the Mendiola massacre of peasants and their urban supporters on January 22, 1987 and by February Aquino unsheathing the sword of war. Behind the bourgeois constitutional processes, militarization and repression of the basic masses and the progressive forces intensified. Massacres, assassinations (attempted and successful) and all sorts of state atrocities occurred under the regime’s Oplan Lambat-Bitag I and II.

These campaigns did some damage to the revolutionary movement but did not break it, despite the fact that these coincided with the growth of internal ideological, political and organizational errors, which ironically resulted from the successes in the revolutionary armed struggle, but induced erroneous notions of quick victory deviating from the strategic line of the people’s democratic revolution through protracted people’s war, of building strength in the countryside to surround the cities before the strategic offensive to seize the cities.

Succeeding Regimes after Aquino’s

The succeeding regimes of Ramos, Estrada, Arroyo and Aquino’s son were not much different. Ramos revived the negotiations for peace with the National Democratic Front representing the revolutionary forces. The negotiations completed the first substantive agenda, with the two panels signing of the Comprehensive Agreement on Respect for Human Rights and International Humanitarian Law (CARHRIHL).

Notwithstanding the negotiations, Ramos continued his regime’s “counterinsurgency” campaigns, Oplan Bantay Laya III and IV. However, the NDFP and the revolutionary forces competently handled the propaganda and educational aspects of the peace negotiations and continued to wage tit-for-tat struggles to counter every attempt of the reactionaries and the military to undermine and violate the agreements reached.

The start of the Ramos administration coincided with the start of the Party rectification movement. The significant losses in some parts of Party work-–ranging from the Party itself to the people’s army, the united front and the mass movement, drove the leadership to reassess their experience and identify the reasons for the revolutionary movement to fall into such a threatening situation. They held the 10th Plenum which decided to conduct the Second Great Rectification Movement (SGRM) in all aspects of the Party’s work.

The rectification documents, “Reaffirm Our Basic Principles and Rectify Errors,” “Stand for Socialism against Modern Revisionism” and “General Review of Important Events and Decisions (1980 to 1991)” were issued and distributed for study by the entire Party membership in a massive education movement conducted to reaffirm the CPP’s ideological, political line and organizational line.

The revolutionary forces worked hard in the recovery efforts and overcame the series of deceptively named “counterinsurgency” plans of successive post-Marcos presidents after Aquino’s Lambat Bitag (Net Trap) I and II under Aquino; III, IV and Pagkalinga (Nurture) under President Ramos; Oplan Makabayan (Patriotic) under Estrada; Oplan Enduring Freedom (Bush’ so-called anti-terrorism plan) adopted by Arroyo; Oplan Bayanihan (Mutual Cooperation) by Aquino II; and now Oplans Kapayapaan and Kapanatagan under Duterte.

Three more International People’s Tribunals were held: the Permanent Peoples’ Tribunal second session on the Philippines held The Hague, The Netherlands brought against President Arroyo and US President George W. Bush on March 21-25, 2007; the International Peoples’ Tribunal held in Washington DC on July 16-18, 2015 brought against President Aquino and US President Obama (; and the International Peoples’ Tribunal held in Brussels, Belgium on September 18-20 brought against President Duterte and US President Trump (

Generally propaganda and protest art thrived from 1992 to 2016, with rich revolutionary substance and variety. An abundance of books of poetry and short story collections, conferences and assembly proceedings, commemorative volumes of major and minor national and regional organizations were published. This particular period is very well documented in books, pamphlets, videos, internet blogs, and other media.

Altermidya <> (People’s Alternative Media Network) which describes itself as a network of independent and progressive media outfits, institutions and individuals was established in 2014. It conducts regular newscasts, commentaries on issues and media production training among mass activists and mass organizations. Tudla Productions <>, a multimedia production outfit has been reactivated since 2011 to produce progressive and revolutionary videos reporting on current issues and cultural activities among the masses.

Mass demonstrations, though not as large as those during the Marcos fascist regime and Aquino I regime were enlivened with placards, tarpaulin, streamers, t-shirts, and elaborate effigies. Movies, documentaries and theatrical productions were made on the history and activities of the revolutionary forces, including the protection of the environment, work with the indigenous communities, the US war of aggression on the Philippines in 1899, on the Philippine society and revolution to mark the NDF 30th anniversary, etc.

The Current Regime

A major victory of the revolutionary movement in this period was the holding of Party Congress in the 4thquarter of 2016, which was ceremonially capped with the celebration of the 100th anniversary of the victory of the Great October Socialist Revolution in Russia.

Party cadres and members representing the regional committees, staff organs and departments assembled to strengthen the Party’s unity, amend its program and constitution based on accumulated victories and lessons; and elect a new set of leaders. The theme “Greater unity, greater victories,” guided the Congress in reviewing the Party’s 48-year history, taking stock of the current objective and subjective conditions and reaffirming the Party’s determination to advance the national democratic revolution to greater heights.

With renewed vigor, the Party is entirely capable of confronting the challenges posed by the US-Duterte fascist-terrorist regime. It is already well on the way to completely frustrating the regime’s Oplans Kapayapaan and Kapanatagan whose objective is to destroy the revolutionary movement through violence and deception. The deadline for destroying the revolutionary moved has been moved from the end of 2018 to the middle of 2019 and further on to 2022. Having survived and prevailed over so many failed US-instigated and supported Oplans from Marcos’ down to Aquino II, the Party and the people are confident and certain that Duterte’s Oplans would fail miserably and the national democratic movement would grow in strength and move closer to victory.

The real intent of Duterte’s feint at peace negotiations has been exposed as a mere maneuver to advance his desperate wish to gain absolute power through the imposition of a fascist dictatorship with him as dictator for the rest of his life, and perpetuated through his children for them to continue grabbing wealth through fraud and bureaucratic corruption.

The underground revolutionary forces and the legal mass movement are growing. New alliances are forming to intensify the struggle against the tyranny and state terrorism. A worldwide movement against Duterte tyranny is gradually gaining ground and needs solidarity from peoples all over the world. Organizations of Filipinos abroad are expanding and strengthening themselves in building a broad united front of solidarity organizations to expose, oppose and fight the Duterte terrorist regime.

Cultural workers and artists now must take up such protest themes as agrarian problems, foreign economic domination, export of cheap labor, exploitation of women and children, and ecological damage, while they express their aspirations for genuine freedom and combat the neoliberal attacks, including those on progressive Philippine culture.

Let me cite One Billion Rising (OBR – as a successful and vibrant propaganda campaign worthy of emulation. It started as a movement of feminist gender identity politics but evolved to revolutionary politics by raising its demand to comprehensive anti-imperialist and anti-reactionary concerns.

Now its demand goes well beyond the struggle against violence against women and patriarchy to the advocacy of women’s rights, the protection and defense of indigenous lands and the rights of indigenous peoples, struggle against fascism and tyranny, discrimination and racism, environmental plunder and destruction, corporate greed, economic violence, poverty, state brutality and repression, war and militarism.

The evolution of OBR owes much to its dynamically creative Filipino international coordinator, Monique Wilson, indefatigable activist, theatre director, performer as actor and singer, campaigner, organizer. OBR choreographs the truth of the people’s struggles against the lies and falsifications of the monopoly capitalism and all its reactionary agents. It presents an excellent vehicle and opportunity for expanding and consolidating our artistic and cultural work. This means further organizing and educational efforts to deepen anti-imperialist and revolutionary commitment and militancy among the masses.


Let me conclude with an exhortation to artistic and cultural workers.

Let us train ourselves to understand and deal with facts and events, as these unfold in the real-world conditions experienced by the toiling masses. Let us not confine ourselves in ivory towers, honing our individual imaginations and crafts, away from the real world and the masses. Let us study current events, study history, immerse ourselves among the masses in their struggles, and in the course of our struggle develop, together with them the people’s culture and art based on concrete realities.

Let us all contribute our utmost to the peoples’ unified cultural offensive against imperialism, aware that its overwhelming dominance necessitates strong organizations with strong leaderships guided by the ideology, politics and methods of the party of the most advanced and most productive class in our society today.

Especially in this age of the internet and multimedia, let us also help build powerful alternative and counter media–-powerful in that they are able to support the people’s struggles and effectively amplify the people’s voice, and in turn find resonance in and draw concrete support from the masses in their millions and billions. It is not enough for us to compete on shallow grounds with the imperialists in such superficial terms such as trending hashtags, viral youtube views, and TV ratings. Let us avail of the electronic and digital media in our own revolutionary way.

More important to us are the long-term results, measured in the sustained growth by leaps and bounds of the anti-imperialist mass organizations and mass movement at the national and international levels. Let us help build many channels, flowing in one general direction. Many small rivulets of the people’s struggles eventually conjoining into one endless current of strength to swamp the cultural bastions of the enemy.

The essential task of progressive and revolutionary forces all over the world today is developing unity, cooperation and coordination of all peoples and raising their level of struggle in order to weaken and defeat imperialism and reaction, in particular against imperialist plunder and war led by US imperialism, the foremost terrorist power, towards building a society that is just, peaceful, prosperous and progressive.

Thank you!###

CPP/Ang Bayan: Editorial - Magpakatatag at puspusang lumaban!

Ang Bayan propaganda editorial posted to the Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP) Website (Nov 7, 2019): Editorial - Magpakatatag at puspusang lumaban!

NOVEMBER 07, 2019

2019 Ang Bayan Editorials

Sa panahon ng brutal na panunupil, hinihingi sa buong bayan na ibayong magpakatatag, ipunin ang lahat ng tapang at puspusang lumaban. Mahigpit na panghawakan ang mga kahilingan para sa tunay na pagbabago para wakasan ang kaapihan at kahirapan.

Walang-lubay ang pag-abuso sa kapangyarihan ng rehimeng Duterte. Ginagamit niya ang militar at pulis at ang absolutong kapangyarihan sa ilalim ng di deklaradong batas militar. Ito ay sa anyo ng Executive Order 70, Memorandum Order 32 at lantarang paghaharing militar sa Mindanao. Kaliwa’t kanan ang pamamaslang at pagyurak sa mga demokratikong karapatan.

Nitong Oktubre 31, sabay-sabay na inaresto sa Bacolod at Escalante sa Negros ang 57 aktibista at lider-masang manggagawa, magsasaka, kababaihan at taong-midya. Ito na ang pinakamalalang kaso sa isinasagawang crackdown o malawakang panggigipit sa buong bansa. Halos kasabay nito, lima ding lider masa ang inaresto sa Kamaynilaan, habang isang lider anakpawis ang pinaslang sa Laguna. Hindi bababa ngayon sa 266 ang pinaslang, habang mahigit 545 ang bilanggong pulitikal.

Target ng malawakang panggigipit ang mga demokratikong organisasyon dahil sa militanteng pagtataguyod ng mga ito sa interes ng masa. Nakaamba sa buong bansa ang banta ng pag-aresto at pagpaslang, laluna sa mga lider-masa, mga susing upisyal at organisador ng mga samahang makamasa.

Walang ibang pakay ang mga pamamaslang at terorismo ng estado kundi ang itarak ang takot sa dibdib ng taumbayan. Hangad ni Duterte ang “katahimikan.” Tahimik sa kanya kung walang bumabatikos sa mababang sweldo at sahod. Walang kumokontra sa kontraktwalisasyon. Walang nagrereklamo sa pang-aagaw ng lupa, pabigat na upa at usura. Walang tumututol sa pagtatayo ng mapaminsalang mga dam, mga mina, proyektong pang-imprastruktura at panturismo at paglawak ng mga plantasyon sa kapinsalaan ng mga magsasaka’t katutubo. Walang humihiyaw sa harap ng pagsirit ng presyo at kawalang trabaho. Walang nag-iingay laban sa korapsyon at krimen ng pulis at militar.

Katahimikan ang layunin ni Duterte para sa malalaking burgesyang komprador, panginoong maylupa at burukratang kapitalista. Katahimikan para sa tuluy-tuloy na pagkamal ng yaman, pagpiga sa dugo’t pawis ng mga manggagawa at mga magsasaka, pagdambong sa kabang-yaman, pagwasak sa kalikasan at pagsuko sa mga dayuhan ng kasarinlan ng bansa. Nais ni Duterte na manahimik ang lahat sa harap ng kanyang pakana na panatilihin ang sarili sa kapangyarihan. Ayaw niya na may alingasngas maging sa kanyang lumulubhang kundisyong pangkalusugan.

Hindi dapat pumayag ang bayan na maghari ang takot at mapatahimik ang lahat. Dapat magpunyagi ang lahat sa landas ng pakikibaka. Huwag pahintulutang tuluyang maghari ang takot, terorismo at tiraniya. Buklurin ang pinakamalawak na hanay ng mamamayan para ipaglaban ang demokrasya. Likhain ang nakayayanig na ingay ng sabay-sabay na pagsigaw ng bayan.

Dapat magpunyagi ang lahat sa pagtatanggol at paggamit ng kanilang mga karapatan sa pag-oorganisa at pamamahayag. Dapat nilang papanagutin si Duterte at ang kanyang mga armadong kampon sa pang-aabuso sa batas at pag-apak sa kalayaan, maging yaong ginagarantiyahan ng konstitusyong 1987 ng reaksyunaryong gubyerno.

Sa kasalukuyan, mayroon pang puwang para sa ligal na pakikibaka, kahit pa unti-unti itong pinakikitid ng pasismo ng estado. Dapat ipursige ng lahat ng mga demokratikong organisasyong makamasa ang kanilang katayuang ligal. Dapat puspusang isulong ang pakikibaka ng iba’t ibang sektor para sa kanilang kagalingan: umento sa sahod, pagbasura sa liberalisasyon sa importasyon ng bigas, tunay na reporma sa lupa, subsidyo sa edukasyon, kalusugang pampubliko at iba pang serbisyong panlipunan, ayuda sa mga sinalanta at iba pa.

Habang nagpupunyagi sa pakikibakang ligal, dapat magpakahusay ang mga lider-masa, mga upisyal at organisador sa mga pamamaraang lihim upang biguin ang kaaway sa kampanya nito ng mga pagpatay at pagkukulong. Matutong magsikreto sa araw-araw na pagkilos upang manatiling bulag at bingi ang kaaway. Maging mapanlikha sa mga paraan ng pag-ugnay, pagpukaw, pag-organisa at pagpapakilos sa taumbayan. Ang malawak na masa ang magsisilbing makapal nilang gubat ng proteksyon at suporta.

Sadyang mahirap at puno ng sakripisyo ang kalagayan ng mga lider masa at aktibista na sinusupil ng tiranikong rehimen. Dapat silang humalaw ng inspirasyon at tapang sa masa at sa kanilang minimithing katarungan at hinahangad na kalayaan. Sa kabilang panig, dapat silang maging huwaran ng tapang at pagpupunyagi.

Ang kampanya ng todong panunupil ng rehimeng US-Duterte ay tiyak na mabibigo. Habang lalo itong pinatitindi, lalong dumarami ang napupukaw at gustong sumapi sa mga organisasyong makamasa at lumahok sa mga demokratikong pakikibaka. Pinangingibabawan ang takot ng kapasyahang labanan at wakasan ang brutal, traydor, korap at kriminal na rehimen.

Laging nakahandang kanlungin ang lahat ng tinutugis ng pasistang rehimen sa loob ng mga sona at baseng gerilya sa piling ng masang magsasaka at sa ilalim ng demokratikong kapangyarihan ng bayan. Nakahanda ang lahat ng yunit ng Bagong Hukbong Bayan (BHB) na ibigay sa kanila ang kailangan nilang proteksyon.

Dahil sa panunupil ng pasistang estado, patuloy na dumarami ang gustong sumapi sa BHB at lumahok sa armadong pakikibaka. Dapat magpursige ang BHB sa pagpapaigting ng digmang bayan. Ang matatagumpay na mga taktikal na opensiba ay nagbibigay ng lakas ng loob sa bayan dahil alam nilang mayroon silang tunay na hukbong masasandigan.

CPP/NPA-Quezon: NPA-Quezon will use all means to defend and protect the environment, Dumagat tribesmen and the people opposing Kaliwa Dam against the onslaught of Duterte government and their Chinese masters

NPA-Quezon propaganda statement posted to the Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP) Website (Nov 7, 2019): NPA-Quezon will use all means to defend and protect the environment, Dumagat tribesmen and the people opposing Kaliwa Dam against the onslaught of Duterte government and their Chinese masters

NOVEMBER 07, 2019

In the light of Duterte Government threat to use extra-ordinary power to construct Kaliwa Dam despite widespread opposition from the Dumagat Tribesmen and the people, the NPA-Quezon reiterates its commitment to defend and protect the environment and the welfare of the Dumagat Tribesmen. We will use all resources at our disposal to protect the environment, the interest of the Dumagat tribesmen and the people against the onslaught of state forces. We will conduct Tactical Offensives to punish the foreign owned and local companies that is responsible for the destruction of the environment of Mt. Sierra Madre. We are ready to engage in battle with the AFP-PNP forces sent by the Duterte Government to secure the Kaliwa Dam construction and who threatens to harm and destroy the Dumagat tribesmen and the people opposing the Kaliwa Dam.

threat to use exrtra-ordinary police power to construct Kaliwa Dam is a clear manifestation of his utter disregard of the environment and lives and livelihood of the Dumagat and Remontado tribesmen and the people in general. The only important thing for Duterte is to protect the interest of Chinese government and his own sets of oligarchs who will fatten their pockets from the onerous loan from Chinese government. He is just using the issue of water crises to justify the construction of Kaliwa Dam. He is hell-bent to pursue the project even it is against existing laws of the Philippine Government such as the Law Declaring Sierra Madre as a Protected Areas and IPRA Law which prohibits projects and activities in Ancestrbeal lands without the Free, Prior and informed Consent (FPIC) of Indigenous People owning the ancestral lands that will be affected by the project.

The new threat is not new to the oppositors of Kaliwa Dam. Ever since the Chinese government agreed to fund the construction of Kaliwa Dam Project, the AFP-PNP started pouring in the construction site of the project in the provinces of Rizal, Quezon and Laguna particularly in the towns of Real, Gen. Nakar and Infanta, Quezon, in Tanay and Teresa Rizal and in Sta. Maria, Laguna. These towns are now teeming with government forces coming from SAF-PNP, RMFB-PNP-4A and 80th IB-PA. They are openly campaigning for the construction of Kaliwa Dam and threatening harm to people opposing the Project. They are also red-tagging those who are opposing the project.

The Dumagat tribesmen and the people who are against the destruction of the environment of Sierra Madre have spoken. They are not afraid of DuterteÕs threat. They will continue to fight for their interest. Together with the revolutionary forces, the Dumagat tribesmen and the people will continue to actively oppose the construction of Kaliwa Dam. The New PeopleÕs Army (NPA) will do its share and will act accordingly to support the people and stop the construction of Kaliwa Dam.

In the face of rampaging stat forces, the NPA units in the said areas will hold the ground and will use everything at their disposal to give genuine service to the people. We are willing to offer our lives to defend Mt. Sierra Madre and its natural protector, the Dumagat and Remontado tribesmen. We will continue serving the interests of the people and no amount of threats will deter us from pursuing our historiical mission, under the leadership of the Communist Party of Philippines (CPP), to act as the real army of the people.


CPP/NDF-CPDF: Kundenaren ti pammutbuteng ken panagranggas ti militar iti Mt. Province!

NDF-CPDF propaganda statement posted to the Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP) Website (Nov 7, 2019): Kundenaren ti pammutbuteng ken panagranggas ti militar iti Mt. Province!


NOVEMBER 07, 2019

Makikaykaysa ti Cordillera People’s Democratic Front (CPDF-Mt. Province) iti umili iti panangkundenar iti pammutbuteng ken panagranggas dagiti pasista a tropa ti Estado iti Mt. Province.

Iti sidong ti nasurok maysa a bulan nga operasyon dagiti nadumaduma a yunit ti Armed Forces of the Philippines ken Philippine National Police (AFP-PNP) iti Besao, Sagada, Bauko, Tadian, Bontoc ken kadagiti kabangibang da a munisipyo, agsisinumbangir dagiti kaso ti panaglabsing iti karbengan-tao — pammutbuteng, panangliplipit, iligal a panag-aresto, indiscriminate firing wenno panagpaputok uray awan ti target, panagbomba, panagkampo iti uneg ti ili, panangiparit kadagiti umili nga umaway ken aganup, panagrugit iti aglawlaw, panangperdi kadagiti mulmula, ken dadduma pay.

Palalo met laeng ti panangiwaragawag dagiti pasista a tropa ti fake news ken black propaganda kontra iti rebolusyonaryo a tignayan. Kas pangarigan ti napasamak nga extortion activities idiay Sagada nu sadinno nga inusar da ti nagan ti NPA-Mt. Province ngem ti kinapudno na ket dagiti ahente ti Estado ti akin aramid kadagitoy.

Rumbeng nga ibutaktak, kundenaren, ken labanan iti amin a tukad ken pamuspusan dagitoy a nayon nga mangilumlumlom kadatayo a mannalon ken Kaigorotan iti rigat, peggad, ken nailian a panangidadanes.

Pudno a panggep

Saanen a mailibak ti AFP-PNP a ti pudno a panggep ti Oplan Kapanatagan, daytoy madama nga operasyon, ken dagiti kagiddan na a civic-military operations ken barangay assembly ket ti panagserrek dagiti dadakkel, ganggannaet, ken makadadael a proyekto.

Ti pannakabukel kadagiti Task Force to End Local Communist Armed Conflict (TF-ELCAC) ket panangipuersa kadagiti umili ken local government unit nga agparintumeng kadagiti nasao a proyekto ken kadagiti kakumplot da nga agturturay a dasig.

Panggep na met laeng ti panagrebbek iti nainkalintegan a panaglaban ti umili. Siasinno man ti sumupyat ket mabirngasan a kas “terorista” wenno “NPA supporter”.

Us-usaren da ti pondo ti umili tapnu pakanen dagiti agop-operasyon a tropa. Ar-aramaten da met laeng dagiti lokal a personahe tapnu mangallilaw ken mangallukoy kadagiti lumablaban nga umili.

Idiay Besao, tatta laeng a naammoan ti umili a naiserreken dagiti ramit para iti konstruksyon dagiti hydropower plant ti BIMAKA Renewable Energy Development Co. (BREDCO) a makaapektar iti 10 a barangay ti nasao a munisipyo.

Daytoy ket kalpasan a sauren dagiti ahente ti Estado ti panangala iti free, prior, informed consent (FPIC) dagiti maapektaran a tribu ken ili.

Agtultuloy latta ti operasyon ti dadduma a proyekto a kas iti 14-megawatt hydropower plant ti HEDCOR a nanggamgam iti ansestral a kadagaan ken danum ti umili ti Bauko ken Sabangan, ken ti aplikasyon para iti nalawa a minas ti Cordillera Exploration Co. Inc. wenno CEXCI idiay Bauko, Besao, Sabangan, Sadanga, Sagada, ken Tadian, ken idiay Abra, Benguet, Ifugao, ken Ilocos Sur.

Pinabutngan met laeng ti AFP-PNP ti umili babaen iti field operations ken panagpatayab iti drone ken recon plane tapnu i-“clear” ti erya iti presensya ti New People’s Army (NPA).

Kasilpu daytoy iti civic-military operations kas iti panagserrek ken panagkampo dagiti Community Support and Peace-keeping Team (CSPT) iti uneg ti il-ili a nalawag nga panaglabsing iti Comprehensive Agreement on the Respect for Human Rights and International Humanitarian Law (CARHRIHL).

Kaudian a kaso ti panagkampo dagiti CSPT iti ansestral a kadagaan ti tribu a Pidlisan ken dadduma pay nga ili idiay Sagada.

Nainkalintegan a gubat para iti nainkalintegan a kappia

Daytoy a pananggundaway ken panangidadanes ti panggep a punasen ti gubat nga irusrussuat ti rebolusyonaryo a tignayan nga idadauluan ti Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP).

Awan sabali a salsalakniban ken ilablaban ti CPP-NPA nu di ti pudno nga interes ti maidaddadanes ken magungundawayan nga umili. Paset na daytoy ti panangsupyat, panangdusa, ken panaglaban kadagiti makadadael ken kontra-umili a gandat a kas iti BREDCO, HEDCOR, ken CEXCI.

Kadagiti napalpalabas a labanan iti baet ti AFP-PNP ken NPA, makitkita met ti pudno a kagagalad dagitoy nga armado a pwersa.

Idi Setyembre idiay Aguid, Sagada, napaay ti naranggas nga operasyon ti 50th Infantry Battalion isu nga inwaragawag da nga adda kanu inmula ti NPA a land mine. Nabayag metten a napaneknekan a command-detonated dagiti eksplosibo nga us-usaren ti NPA. Nayon na pay, awan ti inusar nga eksplosibo ti NPA-Mt. Province idiay a taktikal nga opensiba.

Panaglabsing latta iti karbengan dagiti umili ti sungbat ti AFP-PNP iti panakapaay ti operasyon da. Inturong da ti unget ken pungtot da kadagiti umili babaen iti panagbomba iti aglawlaw, panangiparit nga umaway ken mapan aganup dagiti umili, panagtiliw iti armas a pang-anup ti maysa a sibilyan, kasta met ti pammutbuteng a nu siasinno man ti agpaserrek ken agpakan ti NPA ket maawagan a terorista ken mamulta.

Idi met Oktubre idiay Suquib, Besao, kalpasan ti nabiit a labanan iti baet ti AFP-PNP ken NPA, awan-sarday a nagpaputok dagiti pasista a tropa babaen ti riple ken armored personnel carrier (APC) iti kabambantayan, kataltalunan, ken kagargardenan ti erya nu man pay awan ti nalawag a target da. Adda 15 mannalon ken hardinero nga y-Sagada a tiniliw da iti uneg ti 3-4 oras. Adda met laeng ti dua nga y-Catengan a trabahador iti kalsada nga inaresto da ken binirngasan nga NPA gapu laeng ta narugit kanu ti itsura da. Kas iti napasamak met laeng iti Sagada, imparit da nga umaway dagiti umili iti nasurok lima nga aldaw. Saan da pay a napnek ta binadekkan da ti adu a mula a nateng idiay Ampacao erya. Dagitoy nga aramid ti pasista nga AFP-PNP ket nalawag a panangipaidam iti karbengan ti umili nga agbirok ti taraon ken pangkabiagan.

Kabigatan na, nangitennag ti innem a bomba ti panggubat nga eroplano da iti uneg ti maysa nga oras. Malaksid iti panangpataud iti buteng, ania ngata ti epekto daytoy kadagiti ayup, pasturan, paggapoan ti danum, ken taltalon/garden nga binomba da?

Daytoy aya ti AFP a rumbeng a pagtalkan ti umili (AFP You Trust)? Daytoy aya ti PNP nga agserbi ken mangsalaknib (To Serve and Protect)?

Ngarud, rumbeng a datayo a mannalon, mangmangged, ken Kaigorotan ket agtignay ken agkaykaysa para iti panangiyabante ti demokratiko a rebolusyon ti umili iti panangidaulo ti CPP.

Bayat nga al-allukoyen tayo dagiti maidaddadanes ken magungundawayan a kakailian tayo, masapul met laeng nga ibutaktak ken labanan dagiti narugit ken naranggas a taktika ti reaksyunaryo nga Estado ken dagiti armado a pwersa na tapnu buraken ti panagkaykaysa ken nainsigudan nga urnos iti Mt. Province ken Cordillera.

Nairut a karit met laeng daytoy para iti lokal a gubyerno iti Mt. Province a tumakder para iti karbengan ken pudno a pagimbagan ti pagserserbian da a kakailian.

Saan a ti CPP-NPA ti kabusor ti umili iti Mt. Province. Ti kabusor tayo ket daytoy a sistema a mangparparigat iti biag ken ti reaksyunaryo nga Estado nga agserserbi kas protektor ti daytoy.

Labanan ti Oplan Kapanatagan!
Iyabante ti demokratiko a rebolusyon ti umili!
Kaigorotan, lumaban! Rebolusyon kayet!

CPP/NDF-CPDF: NCIP to the Wolf!

NDF-CPDF propaganda statement posted to the Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP) Website (Nov 7, 2019): NCIP TO THE WOLF!

NOVEMBER 07, 2019

Duterte has turned the entire reactionary government bureaucracy into a counter-revolutionary, psywar and spin machinery with his “Whole-of-nation approach”, a copycat of the failed US counter-terrorism mantra of “Whole-of-government approach”, for his pipe-dream to end the CPP-led armed revolution. With the penchant desire of a tyrant, he has piled up more than 60 former military officers to fill up his cabinet and other key positions which virtually transformed his government into a civil-military junta.

He thus appointed retired Col. Allen Capuyan, a former MIG 21 officer involved in the “hello Garci” scandal, to head the NCIP and consequently assigned him as Executive Director for the National Task Force to End the Local Communist Armed Conflict (NTF-ELCAC) which he chairs as Commander-in-chief. True to form, the NCIP under Col. Capuyan has virtually ranged its program and services to feed the coercive military and police troops to implement Oplan Kapanatagan-Cordillera.

In recent pronouncements, Col. Capuyan and other ranking NCIP officials chorused with army and police generals to push the program and services of NCIP which they boasted would “restrict and end the influence of communist rebels in the Cordillera region” in targeted “47 red areas”. But like all previous regimes who had the same grandiose plans, this task force will certainly fail. The obstinate refusal of the ruling classes to acknowledge the root causes of the raging armed struggle in the countryside is the reason behind their hallow prattle.

In as much as the Cordillera people are concerned, Col. Capuyan, a self-proclaimed life-long “IP advocate”, has never in any way stood with us in our life-long struggle for the recognition of our right to self-determination. Where was he all these past decades when we were in life and death fight to defend our ancestral lands? It was the revolutionary movement led by the CPP and its armed wing, the NPA who fought shoulder to shoulder with us because they are from among us. The people have long cherished their true army.

The people fully know that had it not been for the serious and active support of the NPA to the struggles of the national minorities, our ancestral lands would have been long landgrabbed and plundered by corporate development aggression always escorted by private and state security forces.

And then from out of the blue Col. Capuyan comes to herald his supposed concern for our interests and welfare. No thanks Colonel. We will not buy your rhetoric. That’s patently insincere. All these 22 years, NCIP pimped our lands and resources to investors both local and foreign. It twisted indigenous socio-political systems to favor the interests of rapacious multi-national corporations. Had we not stood our ground, what would we be as a people now? That the revolutionary movement thrived and continues to advance in the Cordillera is common sense. Militarization nor a mere band-aid prescription for the social ills besetting Cordillera and the rest of the country are destined to fail.

It is presumptuous of the NCIP to boast that upon the implementation of its three component program to buttress the “Whole-of-nation approach”, it can derail the advance of the revolution. It is bad enough to have a law in IPRA and the NCIP that emasculates the rights of national minorities that it ought to protect and recognize. It is worst to have a retired military man who claims to have come from a national minority community and pretend to champion the interests of his people but does the contrary. ###

CPP/NPA-Ilocos Cordillera: Rejoinder to Gen. Dickson’s accusations of “Fake News” by NPA

NPA-Ilocos Cordillera propaganda statement posted to the Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP) Website (Nov 7, 2019): Rejoinder to Gen. Dickson’s accusations of “Fake News” by NPA

NOVEMBER 07, 2019

Amidst the badly tattered image of the PNP leadership, Police Brigadier General Israel Ephraim Dickson, regional director of the Police Regional Office – Cordillera (PRO-COR) is frantically carrying out propaganda somersault to dispel the hierarchic shake up. With no less than the former PNP Chief Albayalde embroiled in the ‘ninja cops’ fiasco and other anomalies, tremors in the PNP organization is obviously rocking the morale of the country’s police officers.

Gen. Dickson is all in his offensive mood to earn ‘pogi points’ over other aspirants for the PNP’s top positions nowadays. Hoping to garner the needed merits to outdo others, he vaunts of terrific albeit unbelievable achievements in the fight against revolutionaries in his area of responsibility. In keeping with the orders of his fascist commander in chief, Dickson proves himself a sycophant and loyal disciple of a tyrant, parroting the dogma of the “Whole of Nation Approach” to end the people’s armed struggle. Thus, the series of obviously stage-managed surrender ceremonies of so-called NPA commanders, fighters and supporters took center stage in the mainstream local media with the General hugging the limelight.

However, in a slapdash hurry to beat the yearend report and collect the hefty surrender bounty, his convoluted made up figures smacks of comedy. He was evidently fooling himself in saying that NPAs in Kalinga are “already disgruntled and sowing intrigues through fake news” in an effort to dispute the recent statement issued by the Lejo Cawilan Command (LCC) of NPA-Kalinga sent to media condemning the bogus surrender campaign of the US-Duterte regime.

Dickson wishes to obscure the fact that the 69 residents of Lubuagan cited in the LCC statement are civilians who were falsely accused and declared by the 50th IB as surrenderers in 2016 after having been summoned to a meeting by the operating troops of the said battalion. This is a different case from the CAFGUs also presented by the 50th IB as NPA surrenderers this 2019 in Pinukpok, Kalinga. And these are not fake news. The concerned citizens of Lubuagan and Pinukpok, Kalinga will themselves attest to the veracity of these information.

Will Dickson explain how a 77-year old senior citizen from Sallapadan, Abra functions as a member of milisyang bayan to be included in the recent case of ten “surrenderers” last October 24 in Bangued, Abra? And what about the four old women from barangay Buaya, Balbalan, Kalinga in their 50’s and 60’s who were presented by the PNP Kalinga as NPAs also on the same day in Tabuk, Kalinga? The said ten “surrenderers” from Sallapadan vehemently protested the PNP’s accusations. Meanwhile, residents of barangay Buaya and other communities of Balbalan also immediately disclaimed that the four women were NPAs. On the other hand, residents of barangay Mabaca, Balbalan, Kalinga can testify that Alex Tongdo recently presented by the PNP PRO-COR office as “Ka Diwa”, is a recycled surrenderer who already submitted himself to the PNP and 50th IB in Kalinga last 2017.

Presenting civilians as surrenderers from the NPA, milisyang bayan, Sangay ng Partido sa Lokalidad (SPL) or revolutionary mass organizations after being summoned to a meeting by the AFP-PNP to pledge allegiance to the government, has already become an exposed despicable tactic commonly employed by the AFP-PNP throughout the entire country. This would explain the more than 4,000 “surrenderers” to date flaunted by the AFP-PNP as proof of the “success” of their surrender campaign under the Enhanced Comprehensive Local Integration Program (E-CLIP). This, in tandem with the boring chorus of obviously AFP-PNP dictated and DILG orchestrated declarations of the CPP-NPA-NDF as “persona non grata” from local government units (LGU), are tawdry gimmicks to deceitfully depict that the CPP-NPA is rapidly losing the support of the common people.

But evertytime the NPA launches a successful tactical offensive against troops of the AFP-PNP-CAFGU, the fascists vent their ire against the people in retaliation, subjecting them to indiscriminate straffing, mortar shelling and bombing, as what happened after the recent ambush of operating troops of the AFP-PNP in Besao, Mountain Province last October 25. The AFP-PNP-CAFGU simply cannot deny the hundreds of civilians they have massacred and killed extra-judicially in their brutal total war against the people.

Dickson is a hypocrite to say that the validation for E-CLIP is undertaken by the LGUs and other government line agencies and not by the military. The people themselves, most especially the peasants in the countrysides, know that it is the AFP-PNP that has been viciously redtagging and enlisting civilians as targets for their surrender campaign and forcing them to “voluntarily surrender” with threats of harsher measures if they refuse to do so. The more than 4,000 civilians who have become victims of this fake surrender campaign will bear witness to this.

The National Task Force to End Local Communist Armed Conflict (NTF-ELCAC), organizing formations from the regional down to the barangay levels, is virtually a civil-military junta putting civilian authority under military dictates within the much publicized “Whole of Nation Approach” of the US-Duterte Regime’s current counter-insurgency scheme Oplan Kapanatagan. Under this setup, LGUs and government line agencies are coerced to “fully cooperate” with the AFP-PNP and actively participate in all counter-insurgency measures in a desperate and futile attempt to render the CPP-NPA as a negligible force before the end of Duterte’s term on 2022.

If we are to believe the AFP-PNP’s deceptions and machinations, this would mean that the NPA should have already been totally wiped out. Rhetorical proclamations of “victory” against the CPP-NPA-NDF have been heard of time and again from successive reactionary regimes since the Marcos dictatorship. Let these fascists drown in their foolishness. Because amidst rapidly deteriorating social and economic conditions under Duterte’s despotic rule, the people certainly know that their armed revolution is steadfastly pressing forward. Nothing can be farther from the truth. ###

Ka Martin Montana

CPP/NPA: NPA emerges victorious from series of firefights, belies AFP claims

NPA-Rodante Urtal Command propaganda statement posted to the Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP) Website (Nov 7, 2019): NPA emerges victorious from series of firefights, belies AFP claims

NOVEMBER 07, 2019

Amidst the deluge of the joint forces of the 20th Infantry Battalion and the 81st Division Reconnaissance Company, the New People’s Army-Rodante Urtal Command (RUC) overcame the challenge and ran triumphant despite the enemy’s massive military campaign in Las Navas, Northern Samar. In the series of firefights that ensued near the barrios of Brgy. Epaw, Brgy. San Jose, and Brgy. Sag-od, the enemy suffered 14 casualties: 11 killed in action and at least 3 wounded in action, based on several accounts.

According to the people’s intelligence network, more than 500 combined forces of the 20th IB and the 81st DRC patrolled the perimeter and treacherously lurked around. The Armed Forces of the Philippines’ Joint Task Force Storm of the Central Command and the 8th Infantry Division even conducted a “surgical air strike” last October 26, sparing no expense in using air assets such as jet fighters, helicopters, drones and in deploying 170 ground troops. Even then, they failed to claim the life of a single Red fighter. Not a single unit of the NPA was completely defeated.

But as per the usual fare of the AFP, they retaliated against civilians. During the span of time of the military operations in the area, several human rights occurred within the area, such as the case of Brgy. Epaw peasants Benerando Tuca, Sr. and Allan Orsolino, who were only out to feed their pigs, the massive evacuation of Brgy. Sag-od residents, the countless coercion and intrusions into the relatively peaceful lives of the nearby barrios, and the fear of going to their farms for fear of being branded as a member of the NPA, on top of the economic difficulties already experienced by Las Navasnons. The NPA-RUC heeded the call of the people and came to the farmers’ defenses and sought to evict the soldiers from the premises.

In Brgy. Sag-od, soldiers disavowed any responsibility to protect the barrio residents should any untoward incident happen to them. They forced residents of the nearby barrios to take care of their wounded and accommodate the soldiers. It would behoove the 20th IB and the 81st DRC to conceal the truth about the numerous losses they incurred despite the massive out pour of troopers in the area. They would even go as far as concocting made-up names for the supposed casualties among the ranks of the NPA.

According to the 20th IB, “Local residents are complaining about the rampant extortion activities and NPA encampment along Brgys. San Isidro-Epaw-San Jose-Sag-od complex.” The 20th IB and the military complex would like to delude itself as messiah of Las Navasnons, a big brother whom they can run to. In reality, Las Navas peasants detest the presence of the military forces because they serve no purpose and extend no help. They interrupt their daily livelihood, impose a heavy burden upon the barrios, and force them to become human shields against the AFP’s armed opponents, all in violation of domestic and international humanitarian law.

On the other side, the New People’s Army and the Communist Party of the Philippines is well-loved by the Las Navas and Nortehanon masses, as evidenced by the warm welcome of the peasants of their true Army and rapidly growing NPA units. The 20th IB would do well to remember the mobilizations and several actions launched by the fighting masses which consistently placed them in a defensive.They would even go as far as feigning popular support by coercing provincial and municipal officials to declare the CPP-NPA-NDF as “persona non grata.” They are hated so much so that they needed to threaten officials with threats to their offices and their lives to pass these phony resolutions to simulate some form of support. The devil works hard, and the AFP works so much harder.

Said Amado Pesante, spokesperson of the NPA-RUC, “The fascist troops, their pathetic generals, and the US-China-Duterte regime forget that these resolutions are of no effect to the revolutionary movement. The toiling masses will continue to support their true Army, because they know who really strives for their interests and aspirations. Their abuses will only incur more wrath from the oppressed peoples.” He further added that the military victories were not just that of the NPA, but a triumph of the united masses against the attacks of the reactionary state.

Meanwhile, the NPA-RUC recognized the revolutionary bravery and heroism of Ka Uno, peasant youth and invaluable Red fighter, whose death is heavier than that of Mt. Huraw, who was killed by in a firefight in Brgy. Sag-od last October 12. The NPA-RUC condemned the military for waiting for days before turning over his body. Ka Uno was a tireless organizer among the rural youth and an active member of the militia unit he was in before joining as a full-time NPA. His revolutionary fervor never waned and only intensified when he became a regular Red fighter. He persevered in his tasks, gleefully participating in technical work, strengthening his military capacity, and enriching his political consciousness. He was a well-loved comrade, and his collective extends their highest salute to him. The NPA and the toiling masses will pick up the gun he left behind and resolve to intensify people’s war until complete victory is achieved! ###