From the Philippine Information Agency (Sep 1): 31 former NPAs receive assistance
About 31 former members of the New Peoples Army (NPA) received their cash assistance under the Comprehensive Local Integration Program (CLIP) in a ceremony held at the VIP Clubhouse, Davao del Norte Sports Complex, Tagum City yesterday.
Davao Norte Governor Anthony del Rosario spearheaded the distribution of cash assistance which totaled to P2,015,000.00. Heads of the different CLIP implementing agencies were also present to assist the former rebels in the next stage of implementation phase where they are to execute their respective integration and livelihood plans determined during the earlier phases of the program.
The activity was preceded by the regular Provincial Peace and Order Council (PPOC) meeting which was participated by the different line government agencies and city and municipal government units under the province of Davao Del Norte.
Among the highlights of the said meeting were the progresses made by the 1003rd Infantry Brigade of the Philippine Army in its ongoing campaign; its observance of and adherence to the ceasefire; and its role in the PNP’s intensified anti-illegal drugs and anti-crime campaign.
The CLIP is a government initiative that seeks to permanently and peacefully end all armed conflicts with armed groups.
The program includes the (1) facilitation of the mainstreaming of former CPP-NDF-NPA rebels into becoming productive citizens as well as the (2) compensation and remuneration of all turned-in firearms including those coming from surrendering members of the Militiang Bayan (local militia).
It is being implemented by the Department of Interior and Local Government (DILG) as lead agency with the Office of the Presidential Adviser on the Peace Process (OPAPP), the Philippine National Police (PNP), Armed Forces of the Philippines, and the concerned local government units.
Custodial debriefing reports of surrendering rebels reveal that the GPH’s CLIP is among the significant factors they consider in why it is better to return to the folds of the law rather than continue in the NPA’s armed struggle.
The 31 former rebels (FRs) voluntarily submitted themselves and surrendered to the elements of 60th Infantry Battalion and 68th Infantry Battalion, both of 1003rd Infantry Brigade of the Philippine Army. (Civil-Military Operations, 60th Infantry (MEDIATOR) Battalion, 10ID, PA)
http://news.pia.gov.ph/article/view/1591472707821/31-former-npas-receive-assistance
Thursday, September 1, 2016
ARMM to declare Maute group ‘terrorists’
From InterAksyon (Sep 1): ARMM to declare Maute group ‘terrorists’
(UPDATE - 8:36 a.m.) The Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao is set to pin the “terrorist” tag on an armed group authorities say has pledged allegiance to the Islamic State.
A meeting of the Regional Peace and Order Council in Cotabato City Wednesday was informed that the ARMM is set to pass a resolution declaring the Maute group terrorists.
But the same day as the meeting, two men lobbed a grenade at the Maguindanao office of the National Irrigation Administration on Rosales Street, Cotabato, the third such attack since the weekend, when police stations were targeted.
The Council also discussed the possibility of sending “high risk criminals” arrested in the region straight to Camp Bagong Diwa in Taguig City to prevent a repeat of the jailbreak pulled off by the Maute group in Marawi City Sunday.
The group freed 23 detainees from the Lanao del Sur provincial jail, including eight members who were arrested on August 22 with improvised bombs and guns.
The Maute group was the target of a military operation on its stronghold in Butig town, Lanao del Sur in late May that left scores dead.
http://www.interaksyon.com/article/131994/armm-to-declare-maute-group-terrorists
(UPDATE - 8:36 a.m.) The Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao is set to pin the “terrorist” tag on an armed group authorities say has pledged allegiance to the Islamic State.
A meeting of the Regional Peace and Order Council in Cotabato City Wednesday was informed that the ARMM is set to pass a resolution declaring the Maute group terrorists.
But the same day as the meeting, two men lobbed a grenade at the Maguindanao office of the National Irrigation Administration on Rosales Street, Cotabato, the third such attack since the weekend, when police stations were targeted.
The Council also discussed the possibility of sending “high risk criminals” arrested in the region straight to Camp Bagong Diwa in Taguig City to prevent a repeat of the jailbreak pulled off by the Maute group in Marawi City Sunday.
The group freed 23 detainees from the Lanao del Sur provincial jail, including eight members who were arrested on August 22 with improvised bombs and guns.
The Maute group was the target of a military operation on its stronghold in Butig town, Lanao del Sur in late May that left scores dead.
http://www.interaksyon.com/article/131994/armm-to-declare-maute-group-terrorists
Samar Army sends off troops to Sulu in fight vs Abu Sayyaf
From the Philippine News Agency (Sep 1): Samar Army sends off troops to Sulu in fight vs Abu Sayyaf
http://www.pna.gov.ph/index.php?idn=2&sid=&nid=2&rid=919113
The Philippine Army’s 8th Infantry Division has sent more
than 300 soldiers from Samar
Island
On Wednesday, the army division held a send-off ceremony for
the 63rd Infantry Battalion (IB) based in Lope de Vega, Northern Samar province
at the Calbayog City Airport
The battalion consists of 297 military personnel and 14
officials who will participate in the ongoing military offensives to neutralize
the terrorist group.
The deployment came after the bloody encounter between
government troops and Abu Sayyaf that claimed lives of 15 soldiers.
Lt. Col. Carmelito Pangatungan, 63rd IB commander said that
they are well-prepared for the assignment.
“Even before we were informed on this assignment, I already
told my troop of the possibility that we will be assigned in Sulu. As soldiers,
it is our mandate to run after bad elements, terrorists that are threat for the
attainment of lasting peace in the country,” he told reporters.
Currently, there are more than 5,000 soldiers deployed to
Sulu to fight against the terrorist group.
Brig. Gen. Cesar Idio, assistant 8th ID commander reminded
the soldiers to be careful, enhance commandership, develop leadership, and
continue with the needed training.
“Of course, do not forget to pray as this is our only hope,”
Idio told the soldiers.
Idio assured that even with the transfer of 63rd IB, it will
not affect the operation of the division particularly in previously covered
areas in Northern Samar and parts of Calbayog
City
“We assessed the situation. The regional police will also
align their forces to cover the gaps created by the pull-out,” he added.
The battalion took an active part to the declaration of
Northern Samar as peace and development-ready province and Calbayog City
The troop also contributed to the declaration of 12 towns in
Northern Samar as insurgency-free.
The 63rd IB is the fourth military unit from Eastern Visayas
assigned to Mindanao . Early this year, the
government deployed the entire 19th IB force based in Kananga ,
Leyte to Cotabato province.
Last year, the division also sent the 34th IB to Maguindanao
in support for military operation against the Bangsamoro Islamic Freedom
Fighter (BIFF), Justice for Islamic Movement (JIM) and other lawless elements
undermining the peace and development efforts in the South.
Samar Governor Sharee Ann Tan admitted that the deployment
of troops from Samar province to Mindanao may
have an impact on the peace and order situation in the province, a former
hotbed of armed rebels.
“The Army assured us, however, that in the event an
insurgency may arise again in the province, they will order the return of
military forces to Samar
Island
Problem on accessibility connecting towns and villages in Samar provinces is among the reasons why some parts of
the island remained a stronghold of communist rebels.
“They were also planning to transfer the 87th IB, but we
asked them to retain the military troops and we are happy that they granted our
request,” Tan added.
http://www.pna.gov.ph/index.php?idn=2&sid=&nid=2&rid=919113
42 3rd ID troops graduate from SROC
From the Philippine News Agency (Sep 1): 42 3rd ID troops graduate from SROC
http://www.pna.gov.ph/index.php?idn=1&sid=&nid=1&rid=919073
Forty two 3rd Infantry Division soldiers have successfully
completed the prestigious three-month Scout Ranger Orientation Course (SROC)
last Tuesday.
Capt. Gizelle G. Lim, 3rd Infantry Division public affairs
office chief, said the successful candidates came from their three Division
Reconnaissance Companies (DRC) and new graduates from their Candidate Soldiers'
Course.
The SROC was held at the 3rd Infantry Division's at Camp
Gen. Macario B. Peralta, Jamindan, Capiz.
Lim said SROC was an initiative of 3rd Infantry Division
commander Major Gen. Harold N. Cabreros.
It seeks to enhance the fighting or combat capability of
troopers involved.
Out of the 42 students, Corporal Edgardo G. Dela Cruz of the
31st DRC graduated on top of his class with an average grade of 93.65 percent.
A Letter of Commendation and the Scout Ranger Replica was
given to Dela Cruz for his feat.
Since the training which is rigidly designed gives high
reputes in terms of physical fitness, Pvt. Elizalde S. Nabat bagged the
Physical Fitness Proficiency Award who obtained the highest overall rating with
an average of 90.98 percent.
Cabreros said SROC training was not only to test the limits
of physical fitness but more importantly the mental attitude of soldiers in
combat zones; which in the military parlance is referred to as “stability under
pressure”.
http://www.pna.gov.ph/index.php?idn=1&sid=&nid=1&rid=919073
Lumad leaders urge PNP Chief to arrest Lianga massacre suspects
From the Philippine News Agency (Sep 1): Lumad leaders urge PNP Chief to arrest Lianga massacre suspects
http://www.pna.gov.ph/index.php?idn=1&sid=&nid=1&rid=919098
Leaders of Lumad communities on Thursday urged Philippine
National Police (PNP) Chief Director General Ronald “Bato” Dela Rosa to arrest
the perpetrators of the Lianga massacre.
This as the Lumad leaders who are also witnesses to the
massacre together with farmers, indigenous peoples’ rights advocates, church
workers, children’s rights and environmental activists held a rally for peace
in front of Camp Crame, in EDSA, Quezon City.
They held the rally to mark the first year anniversary of
the brutal Lianga massacre and in support to the Lumad Manobo communities to
reclaim their ancestral lands from the military in Surigao del Sur, and the
successful resumption of the formal peace talks between the Government of the
Republic of the Philippines (GRP) and the National Democratic Front of the
Philippines (NDFP).
”We want Gen. Dela Rosa’s commitment in making sure that the
Lumad can go home safely by arresting the Calpet Egua, Loloy Tejero, Bobby
Tejero, Margarito Layno and 32 other AFP goons who killed our leaders,” Katribu
Kalipunan ng Katutubong Mamamayan ng Pilipinas (Katribu) secretary general Piya
Macling Malayao said.
”We want the PNP to exercise the same amount of vigor they
spend in chasing drug syndicates when they serve these killers to serve their
warrants of arrest,” Malayao added.
Likewise, Pilgrims for Peace convenor Nardy Sabino said “we
appeal to the Duterte administration to act decisively in bringing justice to
the internally displaced Lumad of Mindanao.”
”In the case of Lianga, there are both warrants of arrest
that have not been served and other perpetrators who have been documented in
the investigation reports,” Sabino said.
”As peace advocates, we are appealing to the PNP to
expeditiously arrest the perpetrators,” he added.
The peace advocates also displayed the streamers showing the
photos of Emerito Semarca, Dionel Campos and Bello Sinzo, who they claim, had
been summarily executed on Sept. 1, 2015, and the entire community fled from
the area.
One year later today, they noted, more than 3,000 Lumad were
forcibly evacuated from the towns of Lianga and San Agustin situated in the
heart of the Andap Valley Complex, a land corridor highly mineralized with
coal, gold, and copper.
They added that the Lumads’ exodus was triggered when Lumad
school director Emerito Samarca and Lumad leaders Dionel Campos and Aurelio
Sinzo were massacred by the Magahat-Bagani Force, a paramilitary group attached
to the 36th Infantry Battalion of the Philippine Army.
”We look forward to the advancement of the GRP-NDF peace
talks to resolve the social, economic and environmental injustices in which
armed conflict is rooted,” Kalikasan People’s Network for the Environment
(Kalikasan PNE) national coordinator Clemente Bautista said.
”Most importantly, we commit ourselves to continue the
legacy of the heroic Martyrs of Lianga by pursing radical reforms in policies
and governance to stop the systematic attacks against our people and
environment,” he added.
The Katribu also reiterated their call for the safe return
to their communities of the Lumad evacuees, alongside the immediate pull out of
military troops and disarmament of paramilitary groups terrorizing indigenous
people (IP) communities.
http://www.pna.gov.ph/index.php?idn=1&sid=&nid=1&rid=919098
PA to probe Aug. 29 Patikul clash
From the Philippine News Agency (Sep 1): PA to probe Aug. 29 Patikul clash
http://www.pna.gov.ph/index.php?idn=1&sid=&nid=1&rid=919118
The Zamboanga Del Sur-based 1st Infantry Division will
conduct an investigation into the August 29 clash in Patikul, Sulu to determine
why Army troops sustained massive losses and casualties, Philippine Army (PA)
commander Lt. Gen. Eduardo Ano said Thursday.
The Zamboanga Del Sur-based 1st Infantry Division has
operational control on the troops involved in the seven encounters with the Abu
Sayyaf Group (ASG) since the focused military operations against the bandit
group started last August 26.
Ano said composition of the forces used in the government's
anti-ASG campaign have remained the same. In fact, the military was winning the
fight against the terrorists as proven by the record of the Scout Ranger units
early in the campaign.
Prior to the August 29 clash, no government troops were
killed and only 17 were reported wounded while an estimated 21 ASG bandits were
reported neutralized with 10 terrorist cadavers recovered.
Fifteen troopers were killed and 12 others were wounded
after military units clashed heavily with ASG bandits, headed by Radullan
Sahiron, in Sitio Kan Jalul, Barangay Maligay, Patikul, Sulu last Monday.
A total of 30 terrorists were reported to have been killed
during the ongoing focused military operations against the ASG which started
last week.
Another 11 brigands were reported wounded in the series of
clashes with government forces.
"Objective is to find the reasons (that) led to the
(huge number of military casualties) that's automatic," Ano said in
Filipino.
The PA chief also said three battalions are on the way to
augment military units conducting focused military operations in Sulu.
The offensive was the offshoot of the bandit group's brutal
beheading of 18-year-old Patrick Jhames Almodavar last week.
http://www.pna.gov.ph/index.php?idn=1&sid=&nid=1&rid=919118
3 ranking PA officials to retire
From the Philippine News Agency (Sep 1): 3 ranking PA officials to retire
http://www.pna.gov.ph/index.php?idn=1&sid=&nid=1&rid=919135
Three key positions in the Philippine Army (PA) will soon be
vacant as three ranking generals will leave the service after reaching the
mandatory retirement age of 56 this September and October.
First to retire is PA vice commander Major Gen.
R-Demosthenes C. Santillan on Sept. 8.
He will be followed by AFP Reserve Command head Brig. Gen.
Leoncio A. Cirunay who will retire from the military service on Sept. 15.
On Oct. 6, 8th Infantry Division commander Major Gen. Jet B.
Velarmino will leave the service.
Col. Benjamin Hao, PA spokesperson, said testimonial parades
were already given to Velarmino and Cirunay Thursday.
Meanwhile, another testimonial parade is scheduled for
Santillian on Friday.
In both speeches of Velarmino and Cirunay, they urged the
soldiers to keep serving the people and to fulfill their duty as army troopers.
Velarmino is a member of the Philippine Military Academy
(PMA) Class of 1982.
He rendered 38 years and four months of service to the PA.
Velarmino also served as PA chief-of-staff while Cirunay
served in the Army for 34 years and two months.
The latter also served as 9th Infantry Division spokesperson
in 2009 before he became 9th Infantry Division assistant chief-of-staff for
operations and training.
Cirunay was also assigned to the 2nd Infantry Division as
202nd Infantry Brigade deputy commander.
He had four other stints in 2nd Infantry Division area
before he got assigned in the AFP Reserve Command.
PA commander Lt. Gen. Eduardo M. Año led the retirement
ceremonies today and paid respect for Velarmino and Cirunay’s faithful and
honorable services to the nation.
Santillian, a member of the PMA Class of 1983, rendered 37
and five months years in the military service. He is a recepient of three
Distinguished Service Stars.
http://www.pna.gov.ph/index.php?idn=1&sid=&nid=1&rid=919135
DWDD: BIGAY LIWANAG AT SAYA | Soldiers Initiate Gift-Giving to Agta Tribe in Apayao
From DWDD AFP Civil Relations Service Radio Website (Aug 31): BIGAY LIWANAG AT SAYA | Soldiers Initiate Gift-Giving to Agta Tribe in Apayao
BARANGAY TUROD, Apayao (DWDD) – A team from the Bravo Company of the 17th Infantry Battalion, 5th Infantry Division, led by its’ Platoon Leader 2Lt Erwin C Lozarita held a gift-giving activity to the Agta Tribe of Sitio Bayugao, Brgy Turod, Apayao last August 30, 2016.
On-board three (3) motorcycles, the team travelled from their unit headquarters to Apayao which was 80kilometers away.
They were welcomed by the whole village led by its Chieftain Mr Alex Flores.
They distributed toys and food packs to about 60 children, and donated 36 solar lamps (the lamps were donation by Lt Lozarita’s Facebook friends).
The idea of this gift giving, especially of the solar lamps, came about when they passed by the area during one of their operations. His heart melted when thewy saw agta children studying in the dark using only kerosene lamps.
With the approval of his Company Commander 1Lt Czar M Carsido, they proceeded with the project.
This activity built better relationship with the community, especially the Indigenous People (IP) of Apayao, and has shown that every soldier in your Armed Forces is not only your protector but also somebody who is willing to share their blessing.
Lt Lozarita added that this is project part of their “Give Something to the Poor Challenge. - AES / MCAG / Text and Photos by Lt Lozarita
http://dwdd.com.ph/2015/bigay-liwanag-at-saya-soldiers-initiate-gift-giving-to-agta-tribe-in-apayao/
BARANGAY TUROD, Apayao (DWDD) – A team from the Bravo Company of the 17th Infantry Battalion, 5th Infantry Division, led by its’ Platoon Leader 2Lt Erwin C Lozarita held a gift-giving activity to the Agta Tribe of Sitio Bayugao, Brgy Turod, Apayao last August 30, 2016.
On-board three (3) motorcycles, the team travelled from their unit headquarters to Apayao which was 80kilometers away.
They were welcomed by the whole village led by its Chieftain Mr Alex Flores.
They distributed toys and food packs to about 60 children, and donated 36 solar lamps (the lamps were donation by Lt Lozarita’s Facebook friends).
The idea of this gift giving, especially of the solar lamps, came about when they passed by the area during one of their operations. His heart melted when thewy saw agta children studying in the dark using only kerosene lamps.
With the approval of his Company Commander 1Lt Czar M Carsido, they proceeded with the project.
This activity built better relationship with the community, especially the Indigenous People (IP) of Apayao, and has shown that every soldier in your Armed Forces is not only your protector but also somebody who is willing to share their blessing.
Lt Lozarita added that this is project part of their “Give Something to the Poor Challenge. - AES / MCAG / Text and Photos by Lt Lozarita
http://dwdd.com.ph/2015/bigay-liwanag-at-saya-soldiers-initiate-gift-giving-to-agta-tribe-in-apayao/
DWDD: AUGMENTATION OF TROOPS | 63rd IB arrives in Sulu to fight ASG
From DWDD AFP Civil Relations Service Radio Website (Sep 1): AUGMENTATION OF TROOPS | 63rd IB arrives in Sulu to fight ASG
A new military unit, the 63rd Infantry Battalion, has arrived in Sulu Wednesday to help in the ongoing operations against the Abu Sayyaf Group (ASG) in Sulu, Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) Spokesperson Brig. Gen. Restituto Padilla said.
“(Arrival of 63rd Infantry Battalion) is part of augmentation of troops announced by the Palace,” Padilla said.
The 63rd Infantry Battalion is a field unit of the Catbalogan-based 8th Infantry Division and formerly deployed in the Samar area.
It left its former area-of-operations early this week.
As this develops, Padilla said no new encounters have been reported with the ASG but shelling of bandit positions have been a “regular occurrence”.
“The required artillery support or fire support that our operating troops are requesting are (always) provided, we have adequate air and naval support,” Padilla said.
Currently, there are 5,000 soldiers in Sulu and another 2,500 in Basilan.
Around 15 troopers were killed and 12 others were wounded after military units clashed heavily with ASG bandits, headed by Radullan Sahiron, at Sitio Kan Jalul, Barangay Maligay, Patikul, Sulu last Aug. 29.
A total of 30 terrorists were reported to have been killed during the ongoing focused military operations against the ASG which started last week.
Another 11 brigands were reported wounded in the series of clashes with government forces.
The offensive was the offshoot of the bandit group’s brutal beheading of 18-year-old Patrick Jhames Almodavar last week.
http://dwdd.com.ph/2015/54869-2/
A new military unit, the 63rd Infantry Battalion, has arrived in Sulu Wednesday to help in the ongoing operations against the Abu Sayyaf Group (ASG) in Sulu, Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) Spokesperson Brig. Gen. Restituto Padilla said.
“(Arrival of 63rd Infantry Battalion) is part of augmentation of troops announced by the Palace,” Padilla said.
The 63rd Infantry Battalion is a field unit of the Catbalogan-based 8th Infantry Division and formerly deployed in the Samar area.
It left its former area-of-operations early this week.
As this develops, Padilla said no new encounters have been reported with the ASG but shelling of bandit positions have been a “regular occurrence”.
“The required artillery support or fire support that our operating troops are requesting are (always) provided, we have adequate air and naval support,” Padilla said.
Currently, there are 5,000 soldiers in Sulu and another 2,500 in Basilan.
Around 15 troopers were killed and 12 others were wounded after military units clashed heavily with ASG bandits, headed by Radullan Sahiron, at Sitio Kan Jalul, Barangay Maligay, Patikul, Sulu last Aug. 29.
A total of 30 terrorists were reported to have been killed during the ongoing focused military operations against the ASG which started last week.
Another 11 brigands were reported wounded in the series of clashes with government forces.
The offensive was the offshoot of the bandit group’s brutal beheading of 18-year-old Patrick Jhames Almodavar last week.
http://dwdd.com.ph/2015/54869-2/
Ilocos Reds hail successful peace talks
From the often pro-CPP Northern Dispatch Weekly (Aug 28): Ilocos Reds hail successful peace talks
Revolutionary forces in Ilocos commended the Negotiating Panel of the Government of the Philippines (GPH) and National Democratic Front of the Philippines (NDFP) for “achieving significant advancement in the peace process”.
Formal peace negotiation were held in Oslo, Norway from August 22 to August 26.
“President Rodrigo Duterte’s effort to rectify the wrongs made against NDFP consultants by previous administration is instrumental for this historic undertaking,” says Rosa Guidon, NDFP Ilocos spokesperson.
The NDFP demanded the release of its detained personnel to previous administrations to jump-start the peace negotiations. Personnel covered by the Joint Agreement on Safety and Immunity Guarantees (JASIG) are immune to arrest and detention.
However, past GPH presidents failed to comply stalling the peace process.
Just four days after the start, both panels were able to agree on six major items.
Negotiators from both panels attached their initials on the following draft agreements – affirmation of previously signed documents, reconstitution of NDFP’s list of individuals protected under the JASIG, acceleration of the peace negotiations, the mode for an interim ceasefire, general amnesty for all political detainees and convening of the Joint Monitoring Committee of CARHRIHL.
Guidon also expressed appreciation of the extended ceasefire declaration made by the president. She emphasized that Duterte’s ceasefire order should include measures that will ensure that military and police combat troops, including paramilitary groups be confined in their barracks or camps during the period.
“The president’s ceasefire declaration and his appeal to GPH troops to avoid hostile actions against the revolutionary movement are useless unless his office has measures in place to monitor their compliance and ensure accountability of violators,” states Guidon. She cited the case of the 81st Infantry Battalion whose troops are currently encamped in different barangays of Sta. Lucia, Sta. Cruz, Cervantes, and Quirino.
“These troops continue to threaten, harass, and intimidate civilians even as peace talk is being undertaken and a ceasefire is in effect,” she added.
Last Wednesday, Duterte announced the extension of ceasefire and urged the police, military, and the entire government to be “friendly with the forces of the revolutionary government of the Communist Party of the Philippines”.
For their part, Guidon made it clear that all New People’s Army (NPA) unit in the region will abide by whatever announcement made by the NDFP in the following days and will remain in active defense.
“In case the NDFP and CPP extends the previous ceasefire order as a goodwill gesture, all NPA commands in the region are prepared enforce the order but will remain in active defense, ready to launch counter-offensives against operating AFP troops who wants to spoil the negotiations,” she explained.
Guidon capped her statement by noting that no less than Pres. Duterte recognized the strength of the revolutionary movement and existence of two governments in the country when he used “revolutionary government” to refer with the forces and areas under the leadership and influence of the CPP-NPA-NDFP.
http://www.nordis.net/2016/08/ilocos-reds-hail-successful-peace-talks/
Revolutionary forces in Ilocos commended the Negotiating Panel of the Government of the Philippines (GPH) and National Democratic Front of the Philippines (NDFP) for “achieving significant advancement in the peace process”.
Formal peace negotiation were held in Oslo, Norway from August 22 to August 26.
“President Rodrigo Duterte’s effort to rectify the wrongs made against NDFP consultants by previous administration is instrumental for this historic undertaking,” says Rosa Guidon, NDFP Ilocos spokesperson.
The NDFP demanded the release of its detained personnel to previous administrations to jump-start the peace negotiations. Personnel covered by the Joint Agreement on Safety and Immunity Guarantees (JASIG) are immune to arrest and detention.
However, past GPH presidents failed to comply stalling the peace process.
Just four days after the start, both panels were able to agree on six major items.
Negotiators from both panels attached their initials on the following draft agreements – affirmation of previously signed documents, reconstitution of NDFP’s list of individuals protected under the JASIG, acceleration of the peace negotiations, the mode for an interim ceasefire, general amnesty for all political detainees and convening of the Joint Monitoring Committee of CARHRIHL.
Guidon also expressed appreciation of the extended ceasefire declaration made by the president. She emphasized that Duterte’s ceasefire order should include measures that will ensure that military and police combat troops, including paramilitary groups be confined in their barracks or camps during the period.
“The president’s ceasefire declaration and his appeal to GPH troops to avoid hostile actions against the revolutionary movement are useless unless his office has measures in place to monitor their compliance and ensure accountability of violators,” states Guidon. She cited the case of the 81st Infantry Battalion whose troops are currently encamped in different barangays of Sta. Lucia, Sta. Cruz, Cervantes, and Quirino.
“These troops continue to threaten, harass, and intimidate civilians even as peace talk is being undertaken and a ceasefire is in effect,” she added.
Last Wednesday, Duterte announced the extension of ceasefire and urged the police, military, and the entire government to be “friendly with the forces of the revolutionary government of the Communist Party of the Philippines”.
For their part, Guidon made it clear that all New People’s Army (NPA) unit in the region will abide by whatever announcement made by the NDFP in the following days and will remain in active defense.
“In case the NDFP and CPP extends the previous ceasefire order as a goodwill gesture, all NPA commands in the region are prepared enforce the order but will remain in active defense, ready to launch counter-offensives against operating AFP troops who wants to spoil the negotiations,” she explained.
Guidon capped her statement by noting that no less than Pres. Duterte recognized the strength of the revolutionary movement and existence of two governments in the country when he used “revolutionary government” to refer with the forces and areas under the leadership and influence of the CPP-NPA-NDFP.
http://www.nordis.net/2016/08/ilocos-reds-hail-successful-peace-talks/
Wednesday, August 31, 2016
Bulatlat: NPA releases prisoners in Surigao City
From the pro-CPP online propaganda publication Bulatlat (Aug 30): NPA releases prisoners in Surigao City
MAT-I, Surigao City – After 34 days in captivity, three police officials and a non uniformed personnel were released by the New People’s Army on Saturday afternoon, August 27, in a village in Barangay Mat-i here.
At exactly 2:25 in the afternoon, Ka Lucas of the NPA’s Front 16 Guerrilla Unit-Custodial Force in Surigao City signed the release order for PO2 Caleb Sinaca, PO2 Jayroll Bagayad, non-uniformed personnel Rodrigo Angob, and SPO3 Santiago Lamanilao.
Residents from the neighboring towns walked uphill to witness the ceremony.
Prisoners of war, SPO3 Santiago Lamanilao, non-uniformed personnel Rodrigo Angob, PO3 Jayroll Bagayas, and PO2 Caleb Sinaca walk in the middle of the crowd to meet their families for the first time after 34 days of being in custody of the New People’s Army.
EMOTIONAL. PO3 Jayroll Bagayas, one of the four political prisoners of the New People’s Army in Surigao City, is emotional upon meeting his family.
After meeting their families, the prisoners of war met with the third party facilitators who assisted their release.
The third party facilitators was comprised of the regional crisis management committee and various church groups.
Father Romeo Tagud of the Iglesia Filipina Indipendiente said that “being part of the third party facilitators is not an easy task.”
Fr. Tagud thanked the regional crisis committee lead by Surigao del Norte Vice Governor Arturo Carlos Egay, Jr.
“We hope that this will be the last, but as long as civil war exists, there will still be prisoners of war,” the priest said.
After Fr. Tagud’s message, the release paper was signed by the representatives from the New People’s Army, prisoners of war, and the third party facilitators.
At exactly 2:25 in the afternoon, the release order was signed, declaring the four prisoners of war, freed from the custody of the NPA.
Ka Edroy, political officer of the NPA’s Front 16 presented the signed papers to the crowd.
Members of the revolutionary youth group, Kabataang Makabayan (Nationalist Youth) of Surigao City Cultural presentations were also part of the program...
YOUTH ISSUES. Young artists perform a cultural presentation that portrays social issues affecting the youth. http://bulatlat.com/main/2016/08/30/npa-releases-prisoners-surigao-city/
MAT-I, Surigao City – After 34 days in captivity, three police officials and a non uniformed personnel were released by the New People’s Army on Saturday afternoon, August 27, in a village in Barangay Mat-i here.
At exactly 2:25 in the afternoon, Ka Lucas of the NPA’s Front 16 Guerrilla Unit-Custodial Force in Surigao City signed the release order for PO2 Caleb Sinaca, PO2 Jayroll Bagayad, non-uniformed personnel Rodrigo Angob, and SPO3 Santiago Lamanilao.
Residents from the neighboring towns walked uphill to witness the ceremony.
Prisoners of war, SPO3 Santiago Lamanilao, non-uniformed personnel Rodrigo Angob, PO3 Jayroll Bagayas, and PO2 Caleb Sinaca walk in the middle of the crowd to meet their families for the first time after 34 days of being in custody of the New People’s Army.
After meeting their families, the prisoners of war met with the third party facilitators who assisted their release.
The third party facilitators was comprised of the regional crisis management committee and various church groups.
Father Romeo Tagud of the Iglesia Filipina Indipendiente said that “being part of the third party facilitators is not an easy task.”
Fr. Tagud thanked the regional crisis committee lead by Surigao del Norte Vice Governor Arturo Carlos Egay, Jr.
“We hope that this will be the last, but as long as civil war exists, there will still be prisoners of war,” the priest said.
After Fr. Tagud’s message, the release paper was signed by the representatives from the New People’s Army, prisoners of war, and the third party facilitators.
At exactly 2:25 in the afternoon, the release order was signed, declaring the four prisoners of war, freed from the custody of the NPA.
Members of the revolutionary youth group, Kabataang Makabayan (Nationalist Youth) of Surigao City Cultural presentations were also part of the program...
Peace process reunites Tiamzons and spy who dogged them
From Rappler (Sep 1): Peace process reunites Tiamzons and spy who dogged them
The Tiamzons and retired General Ted Torralba will work together in a committee that will operationalize how to end hostilities between the military and the New People's Army
FRIENDS. Retired General Torralba was the spy assigned to follow the Tiamzon couple in the '80s
Captain Teodoro Cirilo Torralba III listened to the radio as his men reported that Wilma Tiamzon, a member of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP), was leaving the rented apartment on Wilson Street in San Juan that they had been watching for weeks.
It was 1989, the height of the communist insurgency in the Philippines, when members of its top brass were based in the country capital and the military had a dedicated unit tasked to hunt them.
Four vehicles followed the car carrying Wilma until Ortigas Avenue in nearby Pasig City. They surrounded and forced the car to a full stop. Calm and quiet, Wilma did not resist arrest.
Torralba, a military intelligence officer, waited for updates from the other team that searched the San Juan apartment for the bigger target – Wilma’s husband, then CPP Chairman Benito Tiamzon. But he was nowhere to be found.
“We were delayed by, I think, two days. If we effected the arrest earlier, kasama niya sana (he should have been arrested, too),” Torralba, now a consultant to the peace process between the Philippine government and communist rebels, recalled the arrest to Rappler 27 years later.
Benito smiled when told about the failed military operation to arrest him. “Hindi lang two days. Nagkamali sila doon. Akala nila ako 'yung isang nandoon sa bahay. Mayroon kasing the same ang build ang katawa,” Benito, who learned about Wilma's arrest on the radio, told Rappler. (It wasn't just two days. They made a mistake. They thought I was the one in the house. There was one person with the same body built.)
The resumption of the peace talks in Oslo, Norway, was not only a reunion between the power couple of the communist movement and the man whose book strengthened their radical ideas when they were students in the University of the Philippines, CPP founder Jose Maria Sison. It was also a reunion with the spy who dogged them in the '80s.
“Do you remember, General Torralba?” a government official teased Wilma as he pointed at Torralba at the lobby of Scandic Holmenkollen in Oslo, the venue of the peace negotiations. Wilma stared at the now retired Brigadier General, whose face was familiar. She only recognized him when she was told about the 1989 arrest.
“Santos ang alam ko e (Santos was the name I knew),” said Wilma, referring to the fake name Torralba gave her 3 decades ago.
Wilma then remembered her conversations with the military intelligence officer who checked on her group, which included the driver and two more people from the San Juan apartment, when they were not being interrogated by senior officials.
"Sabi ni [According to] Sun Tzu, you should know your enemy," Torralba said about those conversations.
But the young captain was also tired of the war that saw many soldiers fall to the Sparrow Units of the New People's Army. Knowing her place in the movement, he asked Wilma the same question he raised to other communist rebels he had arrested: How can this war possibly end?
"I was just a captain. Nine years pa lang ako sa serbisyo nito pero pagod na ako sa laban. I was asking her, paano ba (I was just 9 years into the service but I was tired of fighting. I was asking her, how do we go about this)? What can we possibly do?” Torralba recalled.
Wilma told the young officer about the continued failings of the Cory Aquino government to address the reforms they had been seeking since Martial Law.
She likes to believe that the young officer also had progressive ideals. “Kung nakapag-usap lang kami ilang ulit, may ilang points na puwede kami magkaintindihan (If we had time to continue our conversations, we may have agreed on several points),” she said.
Wilma was later moved to the police custodial center, where she escaped about a month later. How? She wouldn't tell. "That is still classified," she said with a laugh.
“Galit na galit kami [military] noon (We were very angry then). Can you just imagine the time, effort, and resources we spent [to arrest her]?” Torralba recalled.
Wilma would be arrested again, but would be repeatedly released because of her immunity as consultant to the peace talks. The latest arrest was in Cebu in 2014, this time, with Benito. They were detained for two years before the courts granted them temporary liberty in August for the resumption of the peace talks.
It was the first time she and Benito sat down as negotiators of the peace process that, it was believed, they had previously opposed. They are in charge of the committee that will prepare a draft for panel discussions on how to end the hostilities between the military and the New People's Army. (READ: Warriors, negotiators: Optimism on Day 1 of peace talks)
It is the final phase of the peace process that the government aims to complete within a year, but both camps agreed to hold simultaneous discussions on other substantive issues – socio-ecoomic and political reforms – in an attempt to accelerate the timeline.
The negotiating table is a continuation of the 27-year-old conversation between Wilma and Torralba, who co-chair the committee that will advise panel discussions. If the peace talks go well, Wilma will get the reforms she has long been fighting for, and Torralba will finally see the end of the longest running communist insurgency in Asia.
http://www.rappler.com/nation/144705-peace-talks-reunion-military-spy-tiamzons
The Tiamzons and retired General Ted Torralba will work together in a committee that will operationalize how to end hostilities between the military and the New People's Army
FRIENDS. Retired General Torralba was the spy assigned to follow the Tiamzon couple in the '80s
Captain Teodoro Cirilo Torralba III listened to the radio as his men reported that Wilma Tiamzon, a member of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP), was leaving the rented apartment on Wilson Street in San Juan that they had been watching for weeks.
It was 1989, the height of the communist insurgency in the Philippines, when members of its top brass were based in the country capital and the military had a dedicated unit tasked to hunt them.
Four vehicles followed the car carrying Wilma until Ortigas Avenue in nearby Pasig City. They surrounded and forced the car to a full stop. Calm and quiet, Wilma did not resist arrest.
Torralba, a military intelligence officer, waited for updates from the other team that searched the San Juan apartment for the bigger target – Wilma’s husband, then CPP Chairman Benito Tiamzon. But he was nowhere to be found.
“We were delayed by, I think, two days. If we effected the arrest earlier, kasama niya sana (he should have been arrested, too),” Torralba, now a consultant to the peace process between the Philippine government and communist rebels, recalled the arrest to Rappler 27 years later.
Benito smiled when told about the failed military operation to arrest him. “Hindi lang two days. Nagkamali sila doon. Akala nila ako 'yung isang nandoon sa bahay. Mayroon kasing the same ang build ang katawa,” Benito, who learned about Wilma's arrest on the radio, told Rappler. (It wasn't just two days. They made a mistake. They thought I was the one in the house. There was one person with the same body built.)
The resumption of the peace talks in Oslo, Norway, was not only a reunion between the power couple of the communist movement and the man whose book strengthened their radical ideas when they were students in the University of the Philippines, CPP founder Jose Maria Sison. It was also a reunion with the spy who dogged them in the '80s.
“Do you remember, General Torralba?” a government official teased Wilma as he pointed at Torralba at the lobby of Scandic Holmenkollen in Oslo, the venue of the peace negotiations. Wilma stared at the now retired Brigadier General, whose face was familiar. She only recognized him when she was told about the 1989 arrest.
“Santos ang alam ko e (Santos was the name I knew),” said Wilma, referring to the fake name Torralba gave her 3 decades ago.
Wilma then remembered her conversations with the military intelligence officer who checked on her group, which included the driver and two more people from the San Juan apartment, when they were not being interrogated by senior officials.
"Sabi ni [According to] Sun Tzu, you should know your enemy," Torralba said about those conversations.
But the young captain was also tired of the war that saw many soldiers fall to the Sparrow Units of the New People's Army. Knowing her place in the movement, he asked Wilma the same question he raised to other communist rebels he had arrested: How can this war possibly end?
"I was just a captain. Nine years pa lang ako sa serbisyo nito pero pagod na ako sa laban. I was asking her, paano ba (I was just 9 years into the service but I was tired of fighting. I was asking her, how do we go about this)? What can we possibly do?” Torralba recalled.
Wilma told the young officer about the continued failings of the Cory Aquino government to address the reforms they had been seeking since Martial Law.
She likes to believe that the young officer also had progressive ideals. “Kung nakapag-usap lang kami ilang ulit, may ilang points na puwede kami magkaintindihan (If we had time to continue our conversations, we may have agreed on several points),” she said.
Wilma was later moved to the police custodial center, where she escaped about a month later. How? She wouldn't tell. "That is still classified," she said with a laugh.
“Galit na galit kami [military] noon (We were very angry then). Can you just imagine the time, effort, and resources we spent [to arrest her]?” Torralba recalled.
Wilma would be arrested again, but would be repeatedly released because of her immunity as consultant to the peace talks. The latest arrest was in Cebu in 2014, this time, with Benito. They were detained for two years before the courts granted them temporary liberty in August for the resumption of the peace talks.
It was the first time she and Benito sat down as negotiators of the peace process that, it was believed, they had previously opposed. They are in charge of the committee that will prepare a draft for panel discussions on how to end the hostilities between the military and the New People's Army. (READ: Warriors, negotiators: Optimism on Day 1 of peace talks)
It is the final phase of the peace process that the government aims to complete within a year, but both camps agreed to hold simultaneous discussions on other substantive issues – socio-ecoomic and political reforms – in an attempt to accelerate the timeline.
The negotiating table is a continuation of the 27-year-old conversation between Wilma and Torralba, who co-chair the committee that will advise panel discussions. If the peace talks go well, Wilma will get the reforms she has long been fighting for, and Torralba will finally see the end of the longest running communist insurgency in Asia.
http://www.rappler.com/nation/144705-peace-talks-reunion-military-spy-tiamzons
Fear returns to land reform hot spot
From the Philippine Daily Inquirer (Sep 1): Fear returns to land reform hot spot
IT’S BEEN a year since farmers from Quezon province camped out at the Department of Agrarian Reform office in Quezon City to demand land reform in the province’s Bondoc Peninsula area. The promise of land reform continues to be unfulfilled for many of the farmers. CONTRIBUTED PHOTO
Cases of violence and threats targeting land reform beneficiaries have returned to Hacienda Matias in Quezon province’s Bondoc Peninsula district, sowing fear among tillers there, a farmers’ group said.
The latest case of bloodshed took place on Aug. 16, when Raul Esco, 42, a member of Kilusang Magbubukid ng Bondoc Peninsula (KMBP), was shot and killed by unidentified men while he was on his way home.
His body, which bore three bullet wounds, was found by his wife in the morning of Aug. 17 some 15 meters from their shack, the KMBP-Kilusan Para sa Tunay na Repormang Agraryo at Katarungang Panlipunan (Katarungan) said in a report sent to the Inquirer on Tuesday.
Hacienda Matias spans 1,736 hectares in the villages of Don Juan Vercelos and Butanguiad in San Francisco town at the southern tip of Quezon.
On July 20, residents of Barangay Butanguiad woke up to death threats, written in five large sheets of Manila paper and found in different areas of the village.
Farmers said the posting of the threats, done in the middle of the night, was followed by bursts of gunfire.
The posters, purportedly issued by New People’s Army (NPA) rebels, warned seven farmers, whose names the group listed, and several others to return the farmlands they allegedly grabbed.
“If not, you will be punished by the New People’s Army with death,” part of the message read.
But a spokesperson for the NPA unit operating in Quezon denied that the guerrillas issued the threats.
“Even the story and circumstances behind this incident are far removed from the practices of the revolutionary movement,” said Ka Cleo del Mundo, spokesperson of the NPA’s Apolonio Mendoza Command, in a statement.
“We will not post anything to announce any case, especially if it involved threats,” Del Mundo said.
She said “counter-revolutionary groups” are behind what she called as “black propaganda” against the NPA.
On Tuesday, Arsenio Catamco, one of the farmers named in the posters, said the NPA, if it was not behind the threats, should go after those responsible.
Last year, 283 farmers received their Certificates of Land Ownership Award for about half of the estate, covering three of seven land titles. They, however, failed to occupy the land due to harassment by hacienda workers and legal maneuvers of landowners.
KMBP has long been campaigning for the coverage of large tracts of land in Bondoc Peninsula under the government’s agrarian reform program.
The district is known as one of the agrarian hot spots in the Southern Tagalog region, where several families control big landholdings in the towns of San Francisco, San Andres, San Narciso, Mulanay and Buenavista towns.
At least seven farmer-leaders, including Esco, had been killed in this part of Quezon since 1998. The NPA owned up to at least two cases while the rest were allegedly carried out by armed men employed by landowners.
“Most of us are now living in fear with this new wave of killing and harassment. We’re all afraid to go out at night,” said Maribel Luzara, KMBP president, noting that at least two farmers and their families have left the hacienda.
Luzara said a group of farmers would meet with Presidential Adviser on the Peace Process Jesus Dureza to seek help and protection.
http://newsinfo.inquirer.net/811654/fear-returns-to-land-reform-hot-spot
IT’S BEEN a year since farmers from Quezon province camped out at the Department of Agrarian Reform office in Quezon City to demand land reform in the province’s Bondoc Peninsula area. The promise of land reform continues to be unfulfilled for many of the farmers. CONTRIBUTED PHOTO
Cases of violence and threats targeting land reform beneficiaries have returned to Hacienda Matias in Quezon province’s Bondoc Peninsula district, sowing fear among tillers there, a farmers’ group said.
The latest case of bloodshed took place on Aug. 16, when Raul Esco, 42, a member of Kilusang Magbubukid ng Bondoc Peninsula (KMBP), was shot and killed by unidentified men while he was on his way home.
His body, which bore three bullet wounds, was found by his wife in the morning of Aug. 17 some 15 meters from their shack, the KMBP-Kilusan Para sa Tunay na Repormang Agraryo at Katarungang Panlipunan (Katarungan) said in a report sent to the Inquirer on Tuesday.
Hacienda Matias spans 1,736 hectares in the villages of Don Juan Vercelos and Butanguiad in San Francisco town at the southern tip of Quezon.
On July 20, residents of Barangay Butanguiad woke up to death threats, written in five large sheets of Manila paper and found in different areas of the village.
Farmers said the posting of the threats, done in the middle of the night, was followed by bursts of gunfire.
The posters, purportedly issued by New People’s Army (NPA) rebels, warned seven farmers, whose names the group listed, and several others to return the farmlands they allegedly grabbed.
“If not, you will be punished by the New People’s Army with death,” part of the message read.
But a spokesperson for the NPA unit operating in Quezon denied that the guerrillas issued the threats.
“Even the story and circumstances behind this incident are far removed from the practices of the revolutionary movement,” said Ka Cleo del Mundo, spokesperson of the NPA’s Apolonio Mendoza Command, in a statement.
“We will not post anything to announce any case, especially if it involved threats,” Del Mundo said.
She said “counter-revolutionary groups” are behind what she called as “black propaganda” against the NPA.
On Tuesday, Arsenio Catamco, one of the farmers named in the posters, said the NPA, if it was not behind the threats, should go after those responsible.
Last year, 283 farmers received their Certificates of Land Ownership Award for about half of the estate, covering three of seven land titles. They, however, failed to occupy the land due to harassment by hacienda workers and legal maneuvers of landowners.
KMBP has long been campaigning for the coverage of large tracts of land in Bondoc Peninsula under the government’s agrarian reform program.
The district is known as one of the agrarian hot spots in the Southern Tagalog region, where several families control big landholdings in the towns of San Francisco, San Andres, San Narciso, Mulanay and Buenavista towns.
At least seven farmer-leaders, including Esco, had been killed in this part of Quezon since 1998. The NPA owned up to at least two cases while the rest were allegedly carried out by armed men employed by landowners.
“Most of us are now living in fear with this new wave of killing and harassment. We’re all afraid to go out at night,” said Maribel Luzara, KMBP president, noting that at least two farmers and their families have left the hacienda.
Luzara said a group of farmers would meet with Presidential Adviser on the Peace Process Jesus Dureza to seek help and protection.
http://newsinfo.inquirer.net/811654/fear-returns-to-land-reform-hot-spot
China's 'Red Line' Warning to Japan on South China Sea FONOPs Is Here to Stay
From The Diplomat (Aug 29): China's 'Red Line' Warning to Japan on South China Sea FONOPs Is Here to Stay
Beijing does not dispute reports that its envoy to Tokyo drew a “red line” for Japan in the South China Sea.
Last week, reports in the Japanese press, citing diplomatic sources, noted that China’s envoy in Tokyo had sent a strong message to Japan about its involvement in the South China Sea. According to Kyodo News Agency, Amabassador Cheng Yonghua had told a Japanese official that should Japan’s Maritime Self-Defense Force join up with U.S.-led freedom of navigation operations (FONOPS) in the South China Sea, Japan would have cross a “red line.”
Asked about these reports at a recent press conference, a spokesperson for China’s Ministry of Defense did not walk back the strong language. “We are firmly opposed to Japanese attempts to send its self-defense forces to join the so-called Freedom of Navigation operations by the U.S. in the South China Sea,” Colonel Wu Qian, spokesperson for the Chinese Ministry of National Defense, remarked.
Reiterating China’s previous position on Japan’s involvement in the disputes in the South China Sea, Wu added that “Japan is not a concerned party in the South China Sea issue, and has no right to intervene in relevant disputes.” Addressing the possibility that China would use military force to respond to Japan’s participation in FONOPs, Wu added that “The Chinese armed forces are firm in its resolve and determination to safeguard the sovereignty, territorial integrity and maritime interests and rights of the country, and will resolutely deal with various threats and challenges.”
Japan and the United States held their first bilateral naval drill in the South China Sea in October 2015, the same week that the U.S. Navy held its first FONOP by sailing the USS Lassen, a guided-missile destroyer, within 12 nautical miles of Subi Reef and other nearby features in the Spratly Islands. Since then, the United States has conducted two other FONOPs: One in January 2016 in the Paracel Islands and another in early May 2016 in the Spratlys. Keeping with the pace of previous FONOPs, the U.S. Navy should be due to stage another operation soon in the South China Sea.
The possibility of Japan, or other countries, including Australia, participating in U.S.-led FONOPs has increased in the aftermath of a July 12 award in a case filed by the Philippines against China on maritime entitlements in the South China Sea. In that decision, a five-judge tribunal at the Hague-based Permanent Court of Arbitration unanimously ruled that China’s nine-dashed line claim in the South China Sea held no meaning under international law, among other findings.
Interestingly, the Chinese position on Japan’s participation in the South China Sea may unwittingly concede that the United States has legitimate interests in the sea. In the aftermath of U.S. FONOPs in the South China Sea, Beijing has said that Washington’s actions threatened its sovereignty and harmed regional peace, but it hasn’t rejected the notion of the U.S. having legitimate interests in the South China Sea in the way that it seems to have rejected a role for Japan. For instance, after the May FONOP, a Chinese foreign ministry statement noted that the “U.S. places its interests above international law,” acknowledging that the United States did have interests in the South China Sea.
The bilateral context may help explain this difference. China’s warnings to Japan this summer come as the East China Sea, where the two countries dispute the sovereignty of the Senkaku/Diaoyu Islands, heats up. China has recommended that Washington refrain from diplomatically intervening in efforts between China and Southeast Asian claimants to resolve and manage the South China Sea disputes. With its largely rhetorical denouncements of U.S. FONOPs, China may be acknowledging a legitimate U.S. interest as a superpower.
Like so many aspects of China’s signaling on the South China Sea, there’s a degree of ambiguity in the different treatment meted out to the United States and Japan. What’s clear, however, is that Beijing’s “red line” warning to Tokyo is likely here to stay.
http://thediplomat.com/2016/08/chinas-red-line-warning-to-japan-on-south-china-sea-fonops-is-here-to-stay/
Beijing does not dispute reports that its envoy to Tokyo drew a “red line” for Japan in the South China Sea.
Last week, reports in the Japanese press, citing diplomatic sources, noted that China’s envoy in Tokyo had sent a strong message to Japan about its involvement in the South China Sea. According to Kyodo News Agency, Amabassador Cheng Yonghua had told a Japanese official that should Japan’s Maritime Self-Defense Force join up with U.S.-led freedom of navigation operations (FONOPS) in the South China Sea, Japan would have cross a “red line.”
Asked about these reports at a recent press conference, a spokesperson for China’s Ministry of Defense did not walk back the strong language. “We are firmly opposed to Japanese attempts to send its self-defense forces to join the so-called Freedom of Navigation operations by the U.S. in the South China Sea,” Colonel Wu Qian, spokesperson for the Chinese Ministry of National Defense, remarked.
Reiterating China’s previous position on Japan’s involvement in the disputes in the South China Sea, Wu added that “Japan is not a concerned party in the South China Sea issue, and has no right to intervene in relevant disputes.” Addressing the possibility that China would use military force to respond to Japan’s participation in FONOPs, Wu added that “The Chinese armed forces are firm in its resolve and determination to safeguard the sovereignty, territorial integrity and maritime interests and rights of the country, and will resolutely deal with various threats and challenges.”
Japan and the United States held their first bilateral naval drill in the South China Sea in October 2015, the same week that the U.S. Navy held its first FONOP by sailing the USS Lassen, a guided-missile destroyer, within 12 nautical miles of Subi Reef and other nearby features in the Spratly Islands. Since then, the United States has conducted two other FONOPs: One in January 2016 in the Paracel Islands and another in early May 2016 in the Spratlys. Keeping with the pace of previous FONOPs, the U.S. Navy should be due to stage another operation soon in the South China Sea.
The possibility of Japan, or other countries, including Australia, participating in U.S.-led FONOPs has increased in the aftermath of a July 12 award in a case filed by the Philippines against China on maritime entitlements in the South China Sea. In that decision, a five-judge tribunal at the Hague-based Permanent Court of Arbitration unanimously ruled that China’s nine-dashed line claim in the South China Sea held no meaning under international law, among other findings.
Interestingly, the Chinese position on Japan’s participation in the South China Sea may unwittingly concede that the United States has legitimate interests in the sea. In the aftermath of U.S. FONOPs in the South China Sea, Beijing has said that Washington’s actions threatened its sovereignty and harmed regional peace, but it hasn’t rejected the notion of the U.S. having legitimate interests in the South China Sea in the way that it seems to have rejected a role for Japan. For instance, after the May FONOP, a Chinese foreign ministry statement noted that the “U.S. places its interests above international law,” acknowledging that the United States did have interests in the South China Sea.
The bilateral context may help explain this difference. China’s warnings to Japan this summer come as the East China Sea, where the two countries dispute the sovereignty of the Senkaku/Diaoyu Islands, heats up. China has recommended that Washington refrain from diplomatically intervening in efforts between China and Southeast Asian claimants to resolve and manage the South China Sea disputes. With its largely rhetorical denouncements of U.S. FONOPs, China may be acknowledging a legitimate U.S. interest as a superpower.
Like so many aspects of China’s signaling on the South China Sea, there’s a degree of ambiguity in the different treatment meted out to the United States and Japan. What’s clear, however, is that Beijing’s “red line” warning to Tokyo is likely here to stay.
http://thediplomat.com/2016/08/chinas-red-line-warning-to-japan-on-south-china-sea-fonops-is-here-to-stay/
Don't Be Too Sure About a Stalemated US-China Military Balance
From The Diplomat (Aug 29): Don't Be Too Sure About a Stalemated US-China Military Balance (By Robert Farley)
There are reasons to believe that the United States will maintain a qualitative technological edge.
As discussed in last week’s column, Stephen Biddle and Ivan Oelrich have made a significant contribution to the literature on the future military balance in the Western Pacific. As with any such analysis, however, their article offers as many questions as it does answers. We can break these quibbles down into three areas; strategic, technological, and organizational questions.
On the strategic side, Biddle and Oelrich focus their analysis on a short-range campaign aimed at establishing dominance over a particular landmass. In so doing, they underplay China’s incentive to pursue a counter-force strategy intended specifically to destroy U.S. naval capabilities. Long warship construction times, along with limited facilities, make replacement difficult-to-impossible. If the United States lost even three carriers in a war with China, its ability to project power around the world would suffer for decades. If anything, this reinforces the authors’ points about the dominance of land-based systems, which are not only more survivable, but also easier to replace than their naval counterparts. However, it also suggests that China could employ a tactical and operational calculus geared more towards enemy force reduction than the achievement of specific campaign objectives.
On the technological side, while the authors do an excellent job of projecting existing technological trends, they invariably neglect some potentially important contributors to the military balance. For example, Biddle and Oelrich devote insufficient attention to the potential for cyber-attacks against enemy information networks. While it may prove exceedingly difficult for the United States to figure out where every mobile Chinese missile launcher is hiding, it’s likely that the Chinese know where they are, and that information is subject to infiltration, disruption, and appropriation. The authors compare the protection of Chinese information networks to Iraq’s successful hiding of Scud missile launchers in the Iraq War, but the parallel doesn’t go very far; the Scud launchers were not part of an integrated system of defense in which both the center and the distributed “hands” needed good information on the location and performance of other “hands.” A concerted attack against communications networks would not necessarily be subject to range and line-of-sight considerations, and could prove devastating to an A2/AD network. Of course, an attacking force is subject to the same concerns, but this merely suggests that cyber-dominance could prove decisive in a foreseeable conflict.
Similarly, the authors do not discuss at great length the potential for automated systems to solve part of the strike reconnaissance dilemma. With appropriately programmed parameters, automated weapons require less intensive targeting data than their “dumb” or even “smart” kin. Automated weapons which reach the general area of a potential target can use their own surveillance systems to “close the deal” on the target. Such systems may prove especially lethal when launched from submarines, which use stealth to approach, and cut down substantially on the time available for the target to conduct evasive maneuvers.
Biddle and Oelrich intentionally exclude force employment considerations from their analysis, but it’s worth using their article as a stepping-stone for thinking about how such factors might matter. In particular Biddle and Oelrich also understate the doctrinal aspects of AirSea Battle (ASB) and its various bureaucratic successors. In short, ASB hopes to smooth over or eliminate the frictions that military organizations typically face in peacetime, and to ensure that different elements of the air-sea team can coordinate effectively with each other while conducting dangerous, complex military operations.
In a sense, ASB is analogous to the application of complex infantry-artillery integration against well-defended trench systems in World War I and World War II. Such tactics leveraged temporary, local superiority in order to break apart defensive systems and win major operational victories. The metaphor can strain, but the idea is to develop infiltration tactics ahead of time, without having to figure them out of the course of several years of trench warfare. Of course, no one has any idea whether ASB will succeed in defeating a dedicated A2/AD system, but experience suggests that technology only partially determines success.
Again, the authors have done creditable work on a complex topic. Still, these questions matter because there are reasons to believe that the United States has major advantages at least in the technological and organizational categories. China has conducted cyber-espionage effectively, but the Snowden revelations indicate that United States has penetrated Chinese networks at various levels. Moreover, the U.S. military has (and likely will continue to have) far more operational experience than the Chinese military.
[Robert Farley is a senior lecturer at the Patterson School of Diplomacy and International Commerce. His work includes military doctrine, national security, and maritime affairs. He is author of The Battleship Book. He blogs at Lawyers, Guns and Money and Information Dissemination, and can be found on twitter at @drfarls.]
http://thediplomat.com/2016/08/dont-be-too-sure-about-a-stalemated-us-china-military-balance/
There are reasons to believe that the United States will maintain a qualitative technological edge.
As discussed in last week’s column, Stephen Biddle and Ivan Oelrich have made a significant contribution to the literature on the future military balance in the Western Pacific. As with any such analysis, however, their article offers as many questions as it does answers. We can break these quibbles down into three areas; strategic, technological, and organizational questions.
On the strategic side, Biddle and Oelrich focus their analysis on a short-range campaign aimed at establishing dominance over a particular landmass. In so doing, they underplay China’s incentive to pursue a counter-force strategy intended specifically to destroy U.S. naval capabilities. Long warship construction times, along with limited facilities, make replacement difficult-to-impossible. If the United States lost even three carriers in a war with China, its ability to project power around the world would suffer for decades. If anything, this reinforces the authors’ points about the dominance of land-based systems, which are not only more survivable, but also easier to replace than their naval counterparts. However, it also suggests that China could employ a tactical and operational calculus geared more towards enemy force reduction than the achievement of specific campaign objectives.
On the technological side, while the authors do an excellent job of projecting existing technological trends, they invariably neglect some potentially important contributors to the military balance. For example, Biddle and Oelrich devote insufficient attention to the potential for cyber-attacks against enemy information networks. While it may prove exceedingly difficult for the United States to figure out where every mobile Chinese missile launcher is hiding, it’s likely that the Chinese know where they are, and that information is subject to infiltration, disruption, and appropriation. The authors compare the protection of Chinese information networks to Iraq’s successful hiding of Scud missile launchers in the Iraq War, but the parallel doesn’t go very far; the Scud launchers were not part of an integrated system of defense in which both the center and the distributed “hands” needed good information on the location and performance of other “hands.” A concerted attack against communications networks would not necessarily be subject to range and line-of-sight considerations, and could prove devastating to an A2/AD network. Of course, an attacking force is subject to the same concerns, but this merely suggests that cyber-dominance could prove decisive in a foreseeable conflict.
Similarly, the authors do not discuss at great length the potential for automated systems to solve part of the strike reconnaissance dilemma. With appropriately programmed parameters, automated weapons require less intensive targeting data than their “dumb” or even “smart” kin. Automated weapons which reach the general area of a potential target can use their own surveillance systems to “close the deal” on the target. Such systems may prove especially lethal when launched from submarines, which use stealth to approach, and cut down substantially on the time available for the target to conduct evasive maneuvers.
Biddle and Oelrich intentionally exclude force employment considerations from their analysis, but it’s worth using their article as a stepping-stone for thinking about how such factors might matter. In particular Biddle and Oelrich also understate the doctrinal aspects of AirSea Battle (ASB) and its various bureaucratic successors. In short, ASB hopes to smooth over or eliminate the frictions that military organizations typically face in peacetime, and to ensure that different elements of the air-sea team can coordinate effectively with each other while conducting dangerous, complex military operations.
In a sense, ASB is analogous to the application of complex infantry-artillery integration against well-defended trench systems in World War I and World War II. Such tactics leveraged temporary, local superiority in order to break apart defensive systems and win major operational victories. The metaphor can strain, but the idea is to develop infiltration tactics ahead of time, without having to figure them out of the course of several years of trench warfare. Of course, no one has any idea whether ASB will succeed in defeating a dedicated A2/AD system, but experience suggests that technology only partially determines success.
Again, the authors have done creditable work on a complex topic. Still, these questions matter because there are reasons to believe that the United States has major advantages at least in the technological and organizational categories. China has conducted cyber-espionage effectively, but the Snowden revelations indicate that United States has penetrated Chinese networks at various levels. Moreover, the U.S. military has (and likely will continue to have) far more operational experience than the Chinese military.
[Robert Farley is a senior lecturer at the Patterson School of Diplomacy and International Commerce. His work includes military doctrine, national security, and maritime affairs. He is author of The Battleship Book. He blogs at Lawyers, Guns and Money and Information Dissemination, and can be found on twitter at @drfarls.]
http://thediplomat.com/2016/08/dont-be-too-sure-about-a-stalemated-us-china-military-balance/
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