Those who say the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF), the Sultanate of Sulu, and the indigenous peoples (IPs) were not consulted are not telling the truth.
Their claim is cheap and outright lies. It is very unfortunate that there are so many so-called political leaders and religious personalities, who can lie heads high, as if they are telling the truth.
But what is fortunate is that most if not all those making these accusations have questionable records at one time or another, which were related to corrupt or bloodthirsty officials before. One was the one who read the declaration of martial law in 1972, another has been consistently linked with anti-government activities, the Sabah Siege, the Zamboanga City attack in 2013, and the recent attempt to oust President Aquino administration, and the third one, an erstwhile key personality in the Bishop-Ulama Conference of the Philippines, but who also received money from sin taxes during the time of President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo. The fourth one is a first cousin of Senator Bongbong Marcos, whose committee report on the BBL has been long overdue.
On the allegation of non-consultation, consider the following: The MNLF is made up of at least five factions namely, the mainstream MNLF chaired by Nur Misuari, the MNLF Committee of 15 led by Chairman Muslimin Sema, the MNLF faction chaired by Abulkhair Alonto, the MNLF-Islamic Command Council spearheaded by Mujahab Hashim, and another MNLF sub-group anchored by Alvarez Isnaji. Except for Nur Misuari, all of these leaders have direct lines of communications with the MILF leadership. More importantly, all these factions radiate with the MILF through the Bangsamoro Coordination Forum (BCF) organized by the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC). The last meeting which witnessed the fraternal bond and close coordination between and among these groups was on May 28, 2015 where MILF Chair Al Haj Murad Ebrahim addressed the OIC Council of Foreign Ministers Conference. On top of these, the OIC has endorsed the BBL as solution to the Moro Question or Problem in Mindanao.
Before, the MILF had direct lines of communication with Chairman Nur Misuari but since the attack of Zamboanga City on September 9, 2013 they are seldom used or none at all except through his trusted lieutenants. Besides, Misuari has already reverted to the pursuit of independence, instead of autonomy. To consult him, therefore, does not hold water or is awkward.
Likewise, the Sultanate of Sulu has nine claimants, some of whom are supporting the peace process. Of these, only the faction led by the late Sulu Sultan Jamalul Kiram III has been intense in their opposition to the BBL.
In spite of this, the Bangsamoro Transition Commission (BTC), which crafted the proposed Bangsamoro Basic Law (BBL), held so many dialogues in Mindanao and other parts of the country. In the course of these consultations, the BTC had talked to several members of the sultanate; and therefore, it is not true that all of them are repugnant to the Framework Agreement on the Bangsamoro (FAB) and the Comprehensive Agreement on the Bangsamoro (CAB) and the BBL. However, their common concern is the non-inclusion of the Sabah Claim in the agenda of the GPH-MILF peace negotiations. But the BTC and the MILF patiently explained that the claim is a foreign affairs matter that should be handled by the Philippine Department of Foreign Affairs and their counterpart in Malaysia.
They are also concerned about the revival of the sultanate, which is not an issue also in the 17-year GPH-MILF peace negotiations. It was President Manuel L. Quezon who abolished the sultanate and datu systems. For the MILF, its policy is to preserve the sultanate as part of the rich and colorful Moro people’s tradition but we will not revive it, but for those who want it revived, the MILF will not stand on the way.
For the IPs, they are part of the negotiations and in crafting of the BBL. It has been the policy of the MILF that IPs are represented in the peace panel. The IPs have two representatives in the BTC (Commissioners Melanio Ulama and Froilyn Mendoza). Notwithstanding this, consultations with the IPs were so many, in all levels of engagements. As a matter of fact, the provisions on IPs in the BBL were crafted by IPs themselves.
For the Abu Sayyaf Group (ASG) and the so-called Bangsamoro Islamic Freedom Fighters (BIFF), they do not believe in the peace process. So, does it have sense to talk to them? However, on the part of the MILF, we are not remiss in spreading the message of peace to the mass supporters of these radical groups.
For those who want to talk peace with the ASG and BIFF, better themselves examined by psychiatrist. The truth is that one can only talk peace to those who believe in peace.
http://www.luwaran.com/index.php/editorial/item/444-cheap-and-outright-lies
But what is fortunate is that most if not all those making these accusations have questionable records at one time or another, which were related to corrupt or bloodthirsty officials before. One was the one who read the declaration of martial law in 1972, another has been consistently linked with anti-government activities, the Sabah Siege, the Zamboanga City attack in 2013, and the recent attempt to oust President Aquino administration, and the third one, an erstwhile key personality in the Bishop-Ulama Conference of the Philippines, but who also received money from sin taxes during the time of President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo. The fourth one is a first cousin of Senator Bongbong Marcos, whose committee report on the BBL has been long overdue.
On the allegation of non-consultation, consider the following: The MNLF is made up of at least five factions namely, the mainstream MNLF chaired by Nur Misuari, the MNLF Committee of 15 led by Chairman Muslimin Sema, the MNLF faction chaired by Abulkhair Alonto, the MNLF-Islamic Command Council spearheaded by Mujahab Hashim, and another MNLF sub-group anchored by Alvarez Isnaji. Except for Nur Misuari, all of these leaders have direct lines of communications with the MILF leadership. More importantly, all these factions radiate with the MILF through the Bangsamoro Coordination Forum (BCF) organized by the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC). The last meeting which witnessed the fraternal bond and close coordination between and among these groups was on May 28, 2015 where MILF Chair Al Haj Murad Ebrahim addressed the OIC Council of Foreign Ministers Conference. On top of these, the OIC has endorsed the BBL as solution to the Moro Question or Problem in Mindanao.
Before, the MILF had direct lines of communication with Chairman Nur Misuari but since the attack of Zamboanga City on September 9, 2013 they are seldom used or none at all except through his trusted lieutenants. Besides, Misuari has already reverted to the pursuit of independence, instead of autonomy. To consult him, therefore, does not hold water or is awkward.
Likewise, the Sultanate of Sulu has nine claimants, some of whom are supporting the peace process. Of these, only the faction led by the late Sulu Sultan Jamalul Kiram III has been intense in their opposition to the BBL.
In spite of this, the Bangsamoro Transition Commission (BTC), which crafted the proposed Bangsamoro Basic Law (BBL), held so many dialogues in Mindanao and other parts of the country. In the course of these consultations, the BTC had talked to several members of the sultanate; and therefore, it is not true that all of them are repugnant to the Framework Agreement on the Bangsamoro (FAB) and the Comprehensive Agreement on the Bangsamoro (CAB) and the BBL. However, their common concern is the non-inclusion of the Sabah Claim in the agenda of the GPH-MILF peace negotiations. But the BTC and the MILF patiently explained that the claim is a foreign affairs matter that should be handled by the Philippine Department of Foreign Affairs and their counterpart in Malaysia.
They are also concerned about the revival of the sultanate, which is not an issue also in the 17-year GPH-MILF peace negotiations. It was President Manuel L. Quezon who abolished the sultanate and datu systems. For the MILF, its policy is to preserve the sultanate as part of the rich and colorful Moro people’s tradition but we will not revive it, but for those who want it revived, the MILF will not stand on the way.
For the IPs, they are part of the negotiations and in crafting of the BBL. It has been the policy of the MILF that IPs are represented in the peace panel. The IPs have two representatives in the BTC (Commissioners Melanio Ulama and Froilyn Mendoza). Notwithstanding this, consultations with the IPs were so many, in all levels of engagements. As a matter of fact, the provisions on IPs in the BBL were crafted by IPs themselves.
For the Abu Sayyaf Group (ASG) and the so-called Bangsamoro Islamic Freedom Fighters (BIFF), they do not believe in the peace process. So, does it have sense to talk to them? However, on the part of the MILF, we are not remiss in spreading the message of peace to the mass supporters of these radical groups.
For those who want to talk peace with the ASG and BIFF, better themselves examined by psychiatrist. The truth is that one can only talk peace to those who believe in peace.
http://www.luwaran.com/index.php/editorial/item/444-cheap-and-outright-lies
