Editorial from the Philippine Daily Inquirer (Dec 23): Order of battle
Only a few hours separated President Aquino’s rousing, well-received speech
at the 77th anniversary of the Armed Forces of the Philippines last Friday and
his signing into law of the landmark Anti-Enforced Disappearance Act of 2012
later the same day. But the two events seemed worlds apart—not least because the
President sought to keep them separate.
In Camp Aguinaldo, Mr. Aquino rightly gave high praise to the soldiers who
have given their lives in the country’s defense. He also offered a definition of
the symbolic import of the founding of the AFP that is worth quoting in full:
“Binuo din ito bilang tanda ng kahandaan nating magsarili’t manindigan para sa
ating kasarinlan, habang kinikilala ang kapangyarihan ng taumbayan bilang bukal
ng lakas at siyang dapat na paglingkuran.”
The military, he said, was “also formed as a sign of our readiness to stand
on our own and defend our sovereignty, while recognizing that the power of the
people is the source of our strength and the object of our service.” We find
this instructive, the way he threads the long military tradition of
self-sacrifice with the ideal of people power (giving in the process a
historical gloss to the constitutional precept of the military as “the protector
of the people”).
But he did not say a word about the human rights abuses that even the
military itself would admit has stained its record of service. It was this very
background, of a military so politicized by the martial law years that it
remains prone to abusive conduct, that made the so-called desaparecidos law both
urgent and necessary. The first in all of Asia, the new law defines enforced
disappearance as a new and distinct crime, and is based on the candid assumption
that many of the incidents involving it were perpetrated by members of the
various armed services.
To a President who sees it as part of his duty to educate the media on the
principles and practices of ethical journalism, the opportunity to educate the
military on another dimension of its history—a dimension which swept up his
family not only once but several times—must have suggested itself. He could have
devoted a paragraph to the new law he was planning to sign after the AFP
anniversary rites, made a point of the need to cleanse the ranks of the military
of the scourge of impunity, and impressed upon his audience the responsibility,
now that new arms and equipment are in the pipeline, to restore the people’s
untarnished faith in the military. That he didn’t do any of these, not even a
short, swift reminder of the role of some officers and soldiers in the enforced
disappearances of some 2,000 victims over the last 30 or so years, suggests to
us that the new law will face even more challenges in implementation than we
expected.
It doesn’t help that some confusion about some of the specific provisions of
the new law remains. It may not exactly be accurate to say, for example, that
all orders of battle have been declared illegal. The phrasing of Section 5 of
the new law limits the scope of the declaration: “‘An order of battle’ or any
order of similar nature, official or otherwise, from a superior officer or a
public authority causing the commission of enforced or involuntary disappearance
is unlawful and cannot be invoked as a justifying or exempting circumstance.”
One can read that to mean that any order of battle, or orbat, a strategic or
tactical document that, among other tasks, lists so-called enemies of the state,
may be deemed legal as long as it does not include instructions that will cause
“the commission of enforced or voluntary disappearance.” We realize this is a
gray area with black-or-white (that is, life-or-death) consequences, so perhaps
the confusion is inherent in the concept.
But whatever the reading, the importance of this provision is that the old
military practice of misusing the order of battle to target noncombatants, such
as journalists and NGO activists, will no longer be condoned. Surely this is
worth celebrating, together with other breakthrough provisions, even in the
context of the military’s own founding anniversary? By keeping the two events
separate last Friday, we all lost a teaching moment.
http://opinion.inquirer.net/43335/order-of-battle
I agree with the editorial. Not all order of battle data would be prohibited by the law. Only those lists of civilian noncombatants or opponents of the governemt would be covered by the legislation. Tracking of clandestine insurgent organizations and cadre would still be a legitimate intelligence function. However, CPP front groups will push the envelope on this for propaganda purposes.
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