China needs to rethink its approach to its maritime disputes
Just days after the summit between Chinese President Xi
Jinping and his U.S.
counterpart Barack Obama, news spread that the U.S. Navy would soon challenge China’s territorial claims
in the South China Sea, sending a ship within 12 nautical miles of some of China ’s man-made islands built on top of reefs
in the Spratly Islands . True or not, the news soon drew
worldwide attention and effectively overshadowed any outcomes from the summit
during what is a testing time for China-U.S. relations.
In recent years, and especially since Xi Jinping became
president, China
has paid increasing attention to the sea and to its maritime interests and
rights. At the 18th CPC National Congress, China officially put forward the
vision of building a maritime power to effectively defend its maritime
interests and rights. In a first, China ’s
Defense White Paper 2013 has four paragraphs devoted to emphasizing the
importance of safeguarding China ’s
maritime interests and rights. The Defense White Paper 2015, under the sub-section of National
Security Situation, warns that China’s maritime interests and rights are being
eroded by some of its neighbors who are taking provocative actions by
strengthening their military presence and construction on the illegally
occupied islands and reefs of China, and claims some powers from outside the
region are also interfering in the South China Sea issue and that one country
even goes so far as to conduct intense surveillance in China’s EEZs. As a
result, it said, maintaining its maritime interests and rights will be a
long-term challenge for China .
As a traditional continental power but also one with a long
coastline and an economy is increasingly dependent on overseas energy,
resources, and markets, it is hardly surprising that China is turning its eyes to the
sea. After all, China
has to make sure its energy, resources, and commodities will can transit safely
and smoothly. Besides, when your maritime rights and interests are being eroded
and challenged, you’ve got to do something to defend them.
While maintaining maritime commerce safety is an area where
all parties can cooperate and contribute, defending an individual country’s maritime
rights and interests is not. Instead, it’s an issue in which countries’
interests and perspectives may differ and even conflict. This is especially the
case in the South China Sea, where six or (including Taiwan ) seven parties claim rights
or sovereignty over all or some of the islands and reefs. Among the claimants, China claims all the islands and reefs in the
South China Sea but occupies only eight, while Vietnam
occupies 29, the Philippines
nine, and Malaysia
five. Since 2009, Vietnam
has accelerated its land reclamation and outposts upgrades, and between 2009
and 2014, it has reclaimed approximately 60 acres, according to David Shear,
Assistant Secretary of Defense for Asian and Pacific Security Affairs. Since
late 2013, China has also begun to reclaim land in the South China Sea, and
according to U.S. Defense Department, China has reclaimed 2000 acres, more than
all other claimants combined over the history of their claims.
In the past, especially during the 1990s, China advocated
a foreign policy of keeping a low profile and acting modestly in general, and
shelving its sovereignty disputes in favor of cooperative resource development
as a way out of knotty maritime disputes in particular. This foreign policy
wisdom, together with an overall opening-up strategy created a favorable and peaceful
environment that enabled China to keep its economy growing uninterrupted for
more than thirty years, resulting in its dramatic rise within the existing
international order.
This is not to argue that China should forsake its maritime
rights or interests for the sake of economic growth or international image, but
rather that it should put its maritime strategy in perspective. To avoid a
possible maritime trap that will not only be detrimental to China ’s true national interests, but also
negatively affect many other countries, China , as a major clamant, should
think longer term and take steps to deescalate the tension surrounding the
disputes.
First, China’s maritime strategy, if there is one, should
serve its overall strategy – that is, China’s rise as a great and respected
nation among nations – and not vice versa. If a maritime strategy successfully
alienates neighboring countries and leading powers and proves to be an obstacle
to its overall national strategy, it’s time to sit down and think twice.
Second, China
should put forward a better argument for its maritime rights, especially the
disputed islands and reefs in the South China Sea .
To date, China has mainly
resorted to historical documents and maps to support its claims in the South China Sea , and what’s lacking is competent and
persuasive legal arguments and evidence for its claims. China has also yet to clarify the meaning of its
nine dash line claim in the South China Sea .
Third, China
should accelerate its Code of Conduct dialogue with ASEAN. Given that
sovereignty is such a highly charged issue, there is no hope of a definitive
solution to that any time soon. Dialogue and compromise is needed by all
parties. On July 29, China
and ASEAN held the ninth Senior Officials Meeting in Tianjin . The meeting authorized the joint
working group on implementing the DOC to discuss a way to formulate the COC,
and exchanged views on establishing maritime risk management and control
preventive measures before the COC is finalized. This is a step in the right direction,
and if a COC is finally worked out and effectively implemented, it will remove
a substantial obstacle in China ’s
relations with ASEAN and the U.S.
[WEI Zongyou is professor of International Relations at
Center for American Studies, Fudan University, China . His main research interests
cover China-US Relations, and American Foreign and Security Policy in the
Asia-Pacific. The views expressed here are entirely his own.]
http://thediplomat.com/2015/10/chinas-maritime-trap/
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