From the Visayan Daily Star (Feb 4): Dumaguete mulls reserve force in Navy
The Dumaguete City government is seriously considering the creation of a reserve force of the local government unit under the Philippine Navy.
Mayor Felipe Antonio welcomed the idea being introduced by Commander John Barrameda, commanding officer of the reserve forces in Eastern and Central Visayas based in Cebu, who visited his office recently.
Barrameda invited local government units to form their own reserves that can be readily available for deployment during emergencies, including crime prevention.
He said only the cities of Cebu and Mandaue have, so far, organized the Philippine Navy reserve force.
The LGU reserve force may include graduates of the ROTC units, to include barangay officials, tanods, employees of the local government unit, and even city officials.
Barrameda also enjoined local resort owners to have at least two or three of their staff to be trained and become members of the Philippine Navy reserve unit to be organized in Dumaguete.
The training will last 10 to 21 days, depending on the number of trainees. Remollo is open to the formation of LGU-based reservists to be trained by the Navy. He said it is a good idea to instill discipline on tanods, barangay and city officials to be always on alert against crimes and disasters.
From the Visayan Daily Star (Feb 3): Army goes on combat mode
Peace in the Negros Island Region for almost six months, in the absence of insurgency-related violence because of the unilateral ceasefire observed by the Philippine Army and National Police, as well as the New People's Army, has come to an end.
This was after President Rodrigo Duterte lifted a ceasefire with communist rebels yesterday, two days after the Communist Party of the Philippines also announced the end of its own self-declared ceasefire.
Brig. Gen. Francisco Delfin, 303rd Infantry Brigade commander, said last night that they will return to “combat mode”, while all detachments and Army outposts have already been placed on heightened alert.
But in the past six months, Delfin said Negros experienced a “peaceful environment”, with no violation reported from n both sides, although the military monitored consolidation of armed rebels as well as their recruitment activities in some Negros hinterland areas.
While they are in combat mode, he also said that they will also continue their Bayanihan and related peace-building activities, in coordination with local government units and concerned government agencies.
SIX SOLDIERS KILLED
While the ceasefire was ongoing, the military reported that the NPA had killed six soldiers this week alone, mostly in Mindanao.
"Because I have lost so many soldiers in just 48 hours, I think to continue with the ceasefire does not or will not produce anything," Duterte said in a speech.
"I really do not want to do this, but if that is what the communists want, there is nothing I can do. So let's fight. Let's give it another 50 years."
Armed Forces chief of staff General Eduardo Año, in a statement sent to the Visayan DAILY STAR, said they will abide by the order of President Duterte to end the unilateral ceasefire.
"We will go after the (communists' armed wing) to prevent them from conducting atrocities and criminal activities against the public," Ano said in a statement.
"And we will hit them hard!"
Duterte criticized the rebels for making "unreasonable demands" including asking for the release of 400 jailed guerrillas before agreeing to a bilateral ceasefire.
‘TALK WHILE FIGHTING'
He added he had already "walked the extra mile" by releasing 18 communist leaders to kick-start the peace process last year, but added he also had to secure the support of his security forces.
"I really tried, but the demands are just too huge that it is impossible to meet or even work out a compromise," Duterte said.
While they are ending the ceasefire, the communists said it did not mean they were pulling out of peace negotiations, adding it was possible to "talk while fighting".
From Rappler (Feb 3): Combative AFP chief Año: 'We will hit them hard'
Armed Forces chief General Eduardo Año accused the communist rebels of deceiving the military by claiming that its ceasefire remains in place
'HIT THEM HARD'. Armed Forces chief General Eduardo Año welcomes the lifting of government ceasefire with NPA. Rappler photo
Armed Forces chief of staff General Eduardo Año said they "welcome" President Rodrigo Duterte's order to lift the government ceasefire and resume operations against communist rebels.
"We will go after the NPA to prevent them from conducting atrocities and criminal activities against the public. And we will hit them hard!,"Año said in a statement issued Friday afternoon, February 3. (READ: Duterte orders AFP: End ceasefire tonight)
A veteran intelligence officer, Año has always been notorious in the communist movement. He was blamed for the disappearance of high-profile activist Jonas Burgos and is credited for the arrest of top communist leaders such as Benito Tiamzon and wife Wilma. (READ: Rebel hunter Año is new AFP chief)
At least 6 soldiers and one NPA rebel have been killed since violence resumed on January 23 – days before either side terminated the existing ceasefire. The NPA also announced it took 5 soldiers are "prisoners of war."
The military and the NPA traded blame for the collapse of the ceasefire. The NPA claimed they launched 20 offensive operations against the military to fight supposed deployment against the rebels. The military accused the NPA of violating its own ceasefire.
In an interview at the military headquarters, Camp Aguinaldo, Año said the communist rebels deceived them by claiming that their unilateral ceaefire was still in place. "The last 4 days were disdainful and disturbing. While Fidel Agcaoilli was assuring the public thru media that NDF-CPP-NPA will continue the unilateral ceasefire, the CPP/NPA were attacking our soldiers who were doing community support and development work," said Año.
NPA spokesperson Jorge "Ka Oris" Madlos said they were only forced to fight back against the military's supposed deployment against their forces and communities on the ground.
But Año said the military will continue to support the peace talks.
"Rest assured that the AFP will continue to support the peace talk with the NDF to find a permanent peaceful solution to this 4 decades long conflict. We hear the people's clamor for peace and are willing to work hard to attain it but it is unfortunate that the CPP-NPA- NDF chooses to play deaf," he said.
Thegovernment seeks to reinstate the ceasefire through a bilateral ceasefire agreement that will put in place common rules for the military and the NPA.
But these talks will be challenging. The military is demanding that the NPA stop the collection of revolutionary taxes while the NPA is pushing for the military to "go back to barracks" in at least 500 villages. (READ: Twitter convo with NPA: Duterte, ceasefire, and revolutionary taxes) –
From Rappler (Feb 5): 15 Philippine Navy chiefs gather in one photo
Philippine Navy chief Vice Admiral Ronald Joseph Mercado says he always welcomes their guidance and support
FLAG OFFICERS IN COMMAND. Philippine Navy chief Vice Admiral Ronald Joseph Mercado (front, rightmost) and his predecessors. Photo from the Philippine Navy
Philippine Navy chief Vice Admiral Ronald Joseph Mercado and 14 of his predecessors are gathered in a photo released on Saturday, February 4.
It was taken during a reunion dinner held Friday night, February 3, at the Manila Yacht Club, according to the navy.
Mercado, rightmost front in the photo, told Rappler the dinner was meant to welcome him to the roster of the country's Flag-Officer-In-Command or "FOIC" as they are called in the military.
"We always meet. I welcome their guidance and support," Mercado told Rappler. He is the 36th FOIC of the Philippine military.
In the front row of the photo, from left, are are Caesar Tacad, Seraptio Martillano, Tagumpay Jardiniano, and Mercado.
In the back row of the photo are, from left, Jose Luis Alano, Victorino Hingco, Ferdinand Golez, Mateo Mayuga, Eduardo Santos, Luisito Fernandez, Ernesto De Leon, Rogelio Calunsag, Danilo Cortez, Alexander Pama, and Jesus Millan.
Navy's crucial role
The Philippine Navy has embarked on a modest modernization campaign, acquiring in recent years 3 former US Coast Guard ships to beef up maritime patrols. Two brand new warships are also in the pipeline. (READ: South Korea's Hyundai to build 2 brand new warships for the PH Navy)
Military modernization got a boost from the previous Aquino administration amid threats from China's aggressiveness in the West Philippine Sea (South China Sea).
As President Rodrigo Duterte warms ties with the Asian superpower, the defense establishment said the navy's assets will be used to help in the fight against terrorism in southern Mindanao.
Local group Abu Sayyaf is notorious for operating in the waters of the country's southern borders, kidnapping foreigners in their yachts and from resorts in the islands of nearby countries.
Duterte's defense chief, Delfin Lorenzana, vowed the navy's modernization will be sustained.
From Rappler (Feb 4): Duterte scraps talks with communists
President Rodrigo Duterte says he sees no reason for the talks to resume during his term, unless there is a 'compelling reason' to do so
TALKS COLLAPSE. President Rodrigo Duterte scraps talks with communist rebels a day after he lifted the government ceasefire with the New People's Army. Photo by Ace Morandante/Presidential Photo
(Updated) – President Rodrigo Duterte is "scrapping" peace talks with the communist rebels, he announced Saturday evening, February 4.
"I will request tomorrow the Philippine contingent to fold their tents and come home. I am not ready to resume the talks. As I have said, peace with the communists might not come in this generation,"Duterte told reporters during a visit to his parents' graves in Davao City.
A reporter clarified if he was "scrapping" the talks. "Yes, entirely," Duterte said.
Another reporter asked if he has given up on the peace process. "It is very clear to you, obviously," Duterte said.
"I told the soldiers to prepare for a long war. I said it will not come during our generaltion. I know them already," said Duterte.
He repeatedly said he sees no reason the talks could resume during his term, although later softened his stance to say he might – if there is a "compelling reason."
"Unless there is a compelling one. I don't know what would be that reason. But always, it would be in the interest of the nation. If I do not feel... If there's a joke somewhere, I will not waste my time and compromise the integrity of government by releasing all for nothing," Duterte said.
"For those who were released by the government, they should – on their own volition – return here and go back to prison. Or else I'll be forced to... I'm alerting all the intelligence community to keep track of where they are now. 'Yung na-release (Those who were released) temporarily to talk with us in Oslo, they should come back and submit themselves to the jurisdiction of this government because they are still prisoners. Walang (No) pardon. Walang (No) amnesty. Walang lahat (No everything)," Duterte said.
They make up about 20 consultants, including tagged former Communist Party of the Philippines leader Benito Tiamzon and wife Wilma.
Duterte dismissed the need to talk to his former professor, CPP founder Jose Maria "Joma" Sison. "I am not interested in arguing with them. If they issued statements, I would not answer," he said.
Peace with communist rebels was one of Duterte's campaign promises. But he said their demands are impossible, citing the immediate release of about 400 political prisoners.
He denied that he made a promise to release all political prisoners. "I would not be stupid in entering in that kind of arrangement. You must remember I am a prosecutor. That is practically granting amnesty," said Duterte.
Rebels' fault
He blamed the collapse of the talks entirely on the rebels.
"I tried everything. I walked the extra mile, released prisoners, released their leaders so they could go to Oslo to talk. Now no, they want 400-plus prisoners who fought government under a rebellion. That is only given, common sense would tell you, after successful talks, hindi ka magrelease ng mga nasa preso (you won't release those in prison) at the beginning. What is there to talk about, kung release ko lahat sila (if I release them all). Why bother to talk?" Duterte said.
The President also echoed military protests against allegedly excessive attacks by the NPA, citing a police report that 76 bullets were used to kill 3 soldiers in Bukidnon.
The military and the NPA traded blame for the collapse of the ceasefire. The NPA claimed it launched 20 offensive operations against the military to fight supposed deployment against the rebels. The military accused the NPA of violating its own ceasefire.
Six soldiers and an NPA rebel have been reported killed since the violence resumed on January 23. The NPA said it also took 5 soldiers as "prisoners of war."
From Rappler (Feb 3): NPA takes 5 soldiers as 'prisoners of war'
The NPA boasts it launched 20 attacks agains the military in the last 5 days
48 YEARS AND COUNTING. New Peoples Army guerrillas in Davao City during the 48th founding anniversary of the Communist Party of the Philippines on December 26, 2016. Photo by Edwin G. Espejo
The New People's Army (NPA) carried out 20 armed offensives in the last 5 days against the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) and has taken 5 soldiers as "prisoners of war" (POWs), the communist armed group said in a statement on Friday, February 3.
"Units and commands of the New People's Army (NPA) have carried out at least 20 military actions across the country over the past five days in response to the clamor of the people to defend their rights and welfare against fully-armed occupation troops of the AFP," said NPA spokesperson Jorge "Ka Oris" Madlos in a statement issued Friday afternoon.
The statement was issued shortly before President Rodrigo Duterte announced the lifting of the government ceasefire with the NPA. (READ: Duterte orders AFP: End ceasefire tonight)
"At least 5 AFP soldiers have been captured and are being treated as POWs. A number of AFP officers and men have been killed and wounded in the armed attacks," Madlos said.
NPA spokesperson Jorge "Ka Oris" Madlos said they were forced to fight back against the military's supposed deployment against their forces and communities on the ground.
Madlos said these "active defense manuevers" were conducted in the areas of Agusan, Surigao, Davao, Bukidnon, Sultan Kudarat, Isabela, Batangas, and Panay.
The NPA called on Duterte to order the military to pull out state forces in more than 500 villages before the termination of its unilateral ceasefire takes effect on February 10.
"If it does so, together with the release of all political prisoners, it may preempt the complete termination of the unilateral ceasefire declaration of the CPP and NPA," said Madlos.
"Otherwise, the NPA has orders to take full initiative and carry-out tactical offensives against the AFP, PNP and all armed entities of the reactionary state," he added.
The military protested NPA's attacks as "excessive," citing a police report that 76 bullets were used to kill 3 soldiers in Bukidnon. Six soldiers have been reported killed since the violence resumed on Sunday.
Madlos said the NPA operations targetted "peace and development teams" or PDTs composed of troops that the military said were deployed to deliver basic services to the communities.
The NPA accused the PDTs of occupying government facilities to conduct counter-insurgency operations. "They also spread the lie that soldiers are bringing relief goods or carrying out relief operations. They make use of so-called "delivery of social services" to forward deploy their troops within the guerrilla zones of the NPA," said Madlos.
From Rappler (Feb 3): Duterte: No peace with communists in our generation
'I tried my best, but I guess it wasn't good enough...There will be no peace in this land vis-a-vis the Communist Party,' says the President
'I TRIED.' President Rodrigo Duterte is accompanied by 6th Infantry Division Commander Brigadier General Arnel dela Vega as he walks past honor guards upon his arrival at the 6th Infantry Division headquarters in Camp Siongco, Awang, Maguindanao on January 27, 2017. Malacañang photo
President Rodrigo Duterte expressed doubts his administration will be able to make peace with communists, after announcing his decision to lift government's ceasefire on Friday, February 3.
"I would really like to express my sadness: we cannot have a peaceful generation. There will always be a fight," said Duterte in North Cotabato at the inauguration of a solar-powered irrigation system.
Referring to the decades-old rebellion of the New People's Army, Duterte said: "It was 50 years in the making, ang ibig sabihin gusto niyo another 50 years [of fighting]? Wala nang katapusan? (So you want another 50 years [of fighting]? No more end?) Kung wala nang katapusan, eh di sige (If no more end, then fine), but let it not be said that I did not try. So I guess that peace with the communists cannot be realized during our generation."
"I tried my best, but I guess it wasn't good enough...There will be no peace in this land vis-a-vis the Communist Party. Ipagpatuloy natin ang giyera (Let's continue the war)," he said.
With the setback to peace talks under his administration, Duterte doubts the next administrations will be able to end the communist rebellion, the longest-running insurgency in Asia.
"To me, mahirapan na tayo. About the only time, the golden opportunity, kasi galing ako sa Left, would be under my administration. Otherwise, wala na," said Duterte. (To me, we'll find it difficult. About the only time, the golden opportunity, because I am from the Left, would be under my administration. Otherwise, no more.)
'Losing end of bargain'
Duterte insisted the communists made "unreasonable demands" such as their call for the release of around 400 political prisoners before signing a bilateral ceasefire agreement.
But Duterte had already ordered the release of top CPP-NPA-NDF leaders to allow them to join peace talks. Both parties refuse to budge, with Duterte saying he is on the "losing end of the bargain" if he releases more prisoners despite no substantial progress in the peace talks.
"For me, releasing the leaders is already a sign that I want peace. But if I release more now, truth be told, if you are to disappoint the military and police, I could get into trouble," he said in a mix of English and Filipino.
The deaths of soldiers during recent encounters with NPA rebels was the last straw for Duterte, who said he "walked the extra mile for peace."
"Because I've lost so many soldiers in just 48 hours, I think to continue with the ceasefire, we will not produce anything," he said.
The lifting of the government ceasefire takes effect immediately after Duterte gives orders to the military. The NPA's ceasefire withdrawal will take effect on February 10.
From Rappler (Feb 4): Reds vow commitment to talks amid Duterte's disillusionment
The communist rebels detail their timeline for the peace talks and reiterate their intent to join Duterte as among the co-founders of the proposed federal state of the Philippines
CEASEFIRE TALKS. Negotiators representing the government and the communist rebels agreed in Rome that they will discuss a possible joint ceasefire deal. OPAPP photo
Communist rebels reiterated their commitment to peace negotiations with the government following President Rodrigo Duterte's pronouncements of disillusionment in the talks. (READ: No peace with communists in our generation)
In a statement released Friday night in Manila, February 3, the National Democratic Front (NDF), the political wing of the Communist Party of the Philippines engaged in talks with the government, detailed its timeline for the negotiations and reiterated its intent to join Duterte as among the co-founders of the proposed federal state of the Philippines.
"The NDFP remains hopeful that the peace talks will proceed on track and that the comprehensive agreements on socio-economic, political and constitutional reforms currently being negotiated will be deemed ready for approval by both Panels by end-2017, and soon after by the principals,"said NDF chief negotiator Fidel Agcaoili.
"We continue to hope that efforts on both sides will lead to the co-founding by the NDFP and the GRP of the Federal Republic of the Philippines and the achievement of just and lasting peace for our people," Agcaoili added.
The NDF also revealed adjustments to its demand to release about 400 political prisoners, one of the reasons the NPA cited terminating its ceasefire with the government.
The NDF said the rebels are now willing to wait until after the completion of talks on the Comprehensive Agreement on Socio-Economic Reforms (CASER), touted as the "heart and soul of the peace process" because it envisions to draw a roadmap to ending the root causes of conflict. (Read the proposals here.)
But the NDF reiterated calls for the immediate release of an estimated 50 sick and elderly political prisoners. The rebels, who expected the releases in December last year, had blamed the military for blocking them.
Radical reforms to end communist insurgency
In the speech where he announced he has lifted government's ceasefire with the New People's Army (NPA), Duterte hit the rebels over demands that, he said, were "really too huge." He said they were "impossible to meet or even work out a compromise."
Chief Peace Adviser Jesus Dureza said Duterte only cancelled the ceasefire. "We assume that peace talks will still continue as scheduled unless otherwise ordered by the President," he said.
Talks to end Asia's longest-running communist insurgency has been on and off for the last 3 decades.
The communist rebels are proposing radical reforms to the country's social and economic policies, proposals that the government panel said are generally in line with Duterte's vision for the country.
The ceasefire and releases of political prisoners were meant to make the environment conducive for the difficult talks ahead.
The NDF said, however, that the panels could still make progress in the talks despite the resumption of violence, citing previous gains under former administrations – particularly under Fidel Ramos – when no ceasefire was in place.
Military proclaims support to talks
The Philippine military also made pronouncements that it supports the continuation of the peace talks.
"Rest assured that the AFP will continue to support the peace talk with the NDF to find a permanent peaceful solution to this 4 decades long conflict," Armed Forces chief General Eduardo Año said in a statement.
Duterte lifted the government ceasefire to match the NPA's termination of its ceasefire announced on February 1, but effective February 10. The government ceasefire was terminated immediately.
The NPA claimed the ceasefire held for 5 months only because their forces were supposedly evading aggressive military operations.
Six soldiers and an NPA rebel were killed since violence resumed on January 23. The NPA also said they've taken 5 soldiers as "prisoners of war."
Reinstating ceasefire
The NPA made a last-minute offer to reconsider the termination of its ceasefire but it's demand – the pullout of troops in 500 villages – had been repeatedly dismissed by the military.
"The NPA urges the AFP and the Duterte regime to pull out all its troops from more than 500 barrios before February 10. If it does so, together with the release of all political prisoners, it may preempt the complete termination of the unilateral ceasefire declaration of the CPP and NPA," the NPA said in a statement.
The government is hoping to reinstate the ceasefire through a bilateral ceasefire deal that is envisioned to impose common rules on the military and the NPA to avoid armed encounters.
From InterAksyon (Feb 4): Govt has prerogative to end cease-fire, but should free political prisoners - NDFP panel chief
NDFP peace panel chairman Fidel Agcaoili, in file photo from Kodao Productions at the recent third round of peace talks in Rome.
It is the government's "prerogative" to lift its unilaterally issued Suspension of Offensive Military Operations (SOMO) and Suspension of Offensive Police Operations (SOPO) effective “Friday night, February 3," but the release of political prisoners should proceed as a matter of "justice and obligation," the chairman of the National Democratic Front peace panel said late Friday.
Moreover, according to Fidel Agcaoili, even when SOMO and SOPO were in place, these were "honored more in the breach" because of the alleged continuing forays by State forces into areas suspected of supporting communist rebels, so that skirmishes broke as expected.
In contrast, claimed Agcaoili in a press statement issued by NDFP, "the NPA has maintained strictly its own unilateral ceasefire, taking extraordinary measures to avoid encounters with AFP troops while remaining on active defense."
President Rodrigo Duterte announced Friday he was lifting the government's unilateral cease-fire as he blamed the rebel side for the killing of six soldiers in the south. Three of them were first abducted before being killed.
Agcaoili painted a different picture: "Over the past months, NPA units have maneuvered to evade AFP offensive operations, but armed skirmishes were bound to erupt in the face of the relentless AFP offensives and the NPA’s efforts to actively defend itself and the people’s interests, especially after the 21 January 2017 Makilala, North Cotabato, incident when an NPA encampment was attacked by combined elements of the AFP and PNP special action force."
Nonetheless, he said, despite resumption of fighting on the ground, the government should honor its commitment to release political prisoners who have languished in jail for over a decade without any conviction.
"On the release and amnesty of political prisoners, the NDFP maintains that this is a matter of justice and obligation under the CARHRIHL. The political prisoners have been slapped with multiple trumped-up charges of common crimes, in violation of Philippine jurisprudence on the Hernandez political offense doctrine to which President Rodrigo Duterte had been known to adhere during his time as a public prosecutor in Davao City."
At least 14 of them have died in prison, 13 under the time of Benigno Aquino III and one under Duterte, said Agcaoili.
"Some well-meaning military and police officers have acknowledged in informal conversations that they know many of these political prisoners are innocent civilians who were just in the vicinity of armed encounters or ordinary activists who were used as scapegoats to compensate for failed military and police mission," he added.
FULL STATEMENT OF AGCAOILI BELOW:
It is the prerogative of the GRP to lift its unilaterally issued Suspension of Offensive Military Operations (SOMO) and Suspension of Offensive Police Operations (SOPO) effective “Friday night, February 3” and “to ask the soldiers: go back to camp, clean your rifles, and be ready to fight,” in response to the announcement by the CPP and NPA to terminate their unilateral interim ceasefire effective 11:59 pm on 10 February 2017.
In the time that the SOMO and SOPO were supposedly effective, these were honored in the breach by the AFP, PNP and paramilitary forces as they encroached on communities and occupied schools, day-care centers and other public places such as plazas, basketball courts and bus stops, and even private residences, conducted harassment and random interrogation of residents suspected of having relatives in the NPA or suspected of supporting the revolutionary movement, imposed food blockades, and generally sowed fear and terror among the people. The extrajudicial killings of leaders and members of peasant groups and indigenous peoples have also gone on unabated with four being killed in January alone and another one just today.
On the other hand, the NPA has maintained strictly its own unilateral ceasefire, taking extraordinary measures to avoid encounters with AFP troops while remaining on active defense. Over the past months, NPA units have maneuvered to evade AFP offensive operations, but armed skirmishes were bound to erupt in the face of the relentless AFP offensives and the NPA’s efforts to actively defend itself and the people’s interests, especially after the 21 January 2017 Makilala, North Cotabato, incident when an NPA encampment was attacked by combined elements of the AFP and PNP special action force.
On the release and amnesty of political prisoners, the NDFP maintains that this is a matter of justice and obligation under the CARHRIHL. The political prisoners have been slapped with multiple trumped-up charges of common crimes, in violation of Philippine jurisprudence on the Hernandez political offense doctrine to which President Rodrigo Duterte had been known to adhere during his time as a public prosecutor in Davao City.
Some of these political prisoners have languished in jail for more than ten years without conviction, in violation of the right to speedy trial as provided for in the GRP constitution. Already, fourteen of them have died in prison, 13 under the time of Benigno Aquino III and one under Duterte. Some well-meaning military and police officers have acknowledged in informal conversations that they know many of these political prisoners are innocent civilians who were just in the vicinity of armed encounters or ordinary activists who were used as scapegoats to compensate for failed military and police missions.
The NDFP has already proposed as early as October 2016 that the release and amnesty of all political prisoners can come after the signing of the CASER without prejudice to the early release of those who are sick, elderly, long-term detainees, women and innocent civilians on humanitarian grounds. It behooves the GRP to require its prosecutors not to allow the AFP and PNP to dictate the charges to be filed with their planted evidence and false witnesses against alleged or suspected political offenders.
Nevertheless, the NDFP remains hopeful that the peace talks will proceed on track and that the comprehensive agreements on socio-economic, political and constitutional reforms currently being negotiated will be deemed ready for approval by both Panels by end-2017, and soon after by the principals. We continue to hope that efforts on both sides will lead to the co-founding by the NDFP and the GRP of the Federal Republic of the Philippines and the achievement of just and lasting peace for our people.
From MindaNews (Feb 4): Duterte’s lifting of unilateral ceasefire: the second since July 30
President Rodrigo Duterte’s lifting of the unilateral ceasefire with communist rebels effective Friday night was the second since he declared it during his first State of the Nation Address (SONA) on July 25, 2016.
On July 30, Duterte ordered its “immediate lifting” following the killing of a Cafgu personnel and the wounding of three others in an ambush by the New People’s Army (NPA), in Kapalong, Davao del Norte.
Attending the wake of the Cafgu on July 29, a furious Duterte addressed the rebels: “Are you ready to declare a ceasefire or hindi?” (not?)
He gave them 24 hours or up to 5 p.m. on Saturday, July 30, to reciprocate the ceasefire. “That’ a good 24 hours. If I don’t get a word from you then I will lift the order of ceasefire,” he said. He did, two hours after his ultimatum lapsed, in a statement released by Presidential Adviser on the Peace Process Jesus Dureza.
“Clean your rifles and be ready to fight”
Duterte gave no 24-hour ultimatum this time. Not even a 24-hour notice of effectivity. At the ceremonial switch-on of a solar-powered irrigation system in Agriculture Secretary Emmanuel Pinol’s hometown in M’lang, North Cotabato on Friday afternoon (Feb. 3), he announced he had informed Armed Forces (AFP) Chief of Staff Lt. Gen. Eduardo Ano Thursday night that he was lifting the ceasefire effective Friday night. The exact time was not mentioned. President Rodrigo Duterte announces in M’lang, North Cotabato on February 3, 2017 that he would lift the unilateral ceasefire with the communist rebels effective that night. KIWI BULACLAC/ Presidental Photo
He said he lost “so many soldiers in just 48 hours” that “to continue with a ceasefire does not or will not produce anything.”
“Therefore I’m asking the soldiers, Go back to your camps, clean your rifles and be ready to fight. I am sorry but that is how it is,” Duterte said. The crowd applauded.
“But I’m sad to report to you that there will be no peace with the communists for the next generation. Paubusan lang talaga ‘to. Walang magawa. Wala akong magawa,” (We’ll just be finishing off each other. I can’t do anything. I can’t do anything), he added. The crowd again applauded.
Duterte’s order came two days after the communist rebels announced that the unilateral ceasefire it issued on August 28 “shall effectively expire on 11:59 p.m. of February 10.” New People’s Army spokesperson Ka Oris announces on February 1, 2017 the termination of their unilateral ceasefire effective 10 February. Screengrab from the Philippine Revolution Web Central’s Facebook page
NPA spokesperson Jorge “Ka Oris” Madlos cited two reasons for terminating its unilateral ceasefire: that the government “has not complied with its obligation to amnesty and release all political prisoners” and that the government has “treacherously taken advantage of the unilateral declaration of interim ceasefire to encroach on the territory of the people’s democratic government,” claiming the AFP has occupied at least 500 villages nationwide “which are within the authority of the revolutionary government.”
The last time Duterte was in M’lang was on August 3, 2015 when as Davao City mayor testing the waters for a Presidential bid, he graced the 64th Foundation anniversary of the town and said that more than just talking peace, the next President of the Philippines should understand the root causes of the conflicts and honor the peace agreements.
Pinol, Governor of North Cotabato from 1998 to 2007, introduced Duterte as “the next President of the Republic of the Philippines.”
“My goal.. my dream..”
In his first SONA, Duterte declared a unilateral ceasefire with the Communist Party of the Philippines New People’s Army, National Democratic Front (CPP-NPA-NDF) “effective immediately” to “stop violence on the ground, restore peace in the communities and provide an enabling environment conducive to the resumption of the peace talks.”
Duterte also called on the NDF to “respond accordingly.”
“We will strive to have a permanent and lasting peace before my term ends. That is my goal. That is my dream,” he said. Duterte’s term ends on June 30, 2022.
On July 31, a day after the President lifted the ceasefire, Dureza announced the first round of formal peace talks will proceed as scheduled on August 20 to 27.
On August 19, the NDF declared a seven-day unilateral ceasefire that was to start at 12:01 a.m. on August 21 and end at 11:59 p.m. on August 27 “but open to discussing a longer period.” Seven days corresponded to the schedule of the first round of formal talks, inclusive of travel. It later declared an indefinite ceasefire effective 12:01 a..m. of August 28.
On August 20, Dureza, before departing for the peace talks in Oslo, announced that the President “has restored the effects of the unilateral ceasefire with the CPP/NPA/NDF effective 12 midnight, 21 August.”
He said the ceasefire “will last for as long as necessary to bring peace in the land and also in order to provide an enabling environment for the success of the peace negotiations that will start in Oslo, Norway on August 22.”
Curiously, Duterte announced the restoration of the ceasefire five nights after Dureza’s statement that he (Duterte) had restored it.
Duterte called for a near midnight press conference outside a restaurant in Davao City on August 25, to say that “effective this hour, it’s 11:35 (p.m.) as of today (Aug. 25), I am declaring a ceasefire so I am joining the CPP in its desire to seek peace for this.”
February 3 lifting
In M’lang on Friday, Duterte cited “unreasonable demands” of the communist rebels, such as the release of 400 political prisoners and explained he had conceded so much to them.
He said fighting has been going on for the last 50 years. “Ang ibig sabihin gusto ninyo another 50 years? Wala nang katapusan?,” (You mean you want another 50 years? No end?), Duterte asked.
“Let it not be said that I did not try. So I guess that peace with the communists cannot be realized during our generation. Maybe years from now,” he said.
He said the NPA announced it would end their unilateral ceasefire effective February 10 but what happened shortly after was “ambush dito, ambush doon, sa Luzon, Visayas, Mindanao.” Honor guards stand at the wake of 1Lt Miguel Victor Alejo in St. Peter Chapel and Funeral Home in Panacan, Davao City on February 3, 2017. Alejo, a member of PMA Class 2015 “Sinag-lahi” was killed in an ambush by suspected members of the New People’s Army on February 1, 2017 in Manay, Davao Oriental. MindaNews photo by MANMAN DEJETO
In Mindanao alone, hours after Madlos’ Feb. 1 announcement, three soldiers in Bukidnon were abducted allegedly by the NPA and found dead hours later. A 2nd Lieutenant was also killed in an ambush allegedly by the NPA in Manay, Davao Oriental while another soldier was injured.
The night before Duterte lifted the ceasefire, he told the national convention of the Philippine Association of Water Districts in Davao City he has “surrendered, conceded too much too soon.”
He said he has released their leaders from prison. “Now they want 400 released. My God that is already releasing all. Para na akong nag-amnesty which is usually given after a successful negotiation.”
“Ang sabi ko, huwag ninyo akong ipitin because the military might not like it. And then if the military would oust me, would kill me, you have nobody talking to you,” Duterte said.
He added that the military will support him if they think he is right. “400 is 400. It is already as if the talks are over and there is a successful formula. So what is there to show?”
From MindaNews (Feb 4): Fight and talk: GRP-NDF to meet on bilateral ceasefire on Feb. 22 to 27
Despite the termination of their respective unilateral ceasefire declarations, the government (GRP) and the National Democratic Front (NDF) peace panels will proceed with the negotiations on a bilateral ceasefire agreement on Febuary 22 to 27 in the Netherlands and the fourth round of formal peace talks on April 2 to 6 in Oslo, Norway, government peace panel chair Silvestre Bello III said. “We will proceed as scheduled,” Bello told MindaNews in a telephone interview Friday night. Government peace panel chair Silvestre Bello III (extreme right) and National Democratic Front peace panel chair Fidel Agcaoili (third from left) sign the Joint Statement at the end of the third round of formal peace negotiations in Rome on January 25, 2017. Photo courtesy of OPAPP
NDF peace panel chair Fidel Agcaoili on February 1 formally notified Bello of the decision of the Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP) and the New People’s Army (NPA) to terminate the unilateral ceasefire it declared on August 28 by 11:59 p.m. of February 10 but said this move does not mean the termination of the peace negotiations.
Agcaoili reminded Bello that both of them have had the experience of “talking while fighting,” especially during the time of President Fidel Ramos when 12 major agreements, including the Comprehensive Agreement on the Respect of Human Rights and International Humanitarian Law (CARHRIHL)” were signed even without a ceasefire.
Bilateral ceasefire
The panels had agreed in a joint statement at the end of the third round of formal peace talks in Rome on January 25 that their ceasefire committees (CFCs) will “meet again during the period on February 22-27, 2017 in The Netherlands simultaneous to the opening of the bank safety deposit box account for safekeeping of the JASIG (Joint Agreement on Safety and Immunity Guarantees) documents of identification.”
Bello said they hope the CFCs can come up with a bilateral ceasefire agreement by then. The government and National Democratic Front peace panels view a presentation on the seven binding principles of the bilateral ceasefire during the third round for formal peace talks in Rome. The ceasefire committees will meet on February 22 to 27 in the Netherlands to work on a bilateral ceasefire agreement. Photo courtesy of OPAPP
At the third round of formal peace talks in Rome on January 19 to 25, the NDF ceasefire committee formally acknowledged receiving the GRP CFC draft “Agreement on an Interim Bilateral Cessation of Hostilities Between the GRP and the NDFP” and said it would “seriously study the proposal, submit comments and ma provide its own updated version of its proposed draft agreement for an interim bilateral ceasefire.”
Agcaoili also handed a letter addressed to Bello formally protesting the military operations in Makilala, North Cotabato, as a violation of the ceasefire.
At the end of the first round of formal peace talks on August 26, the two parties agreed that their ceasefire committees would “reconcile and develop their separate unilateral ceasefire orders into a single unified bilateral agreement within 60 days.”
No bilateral ceasefire has been forged.
On February 1, NPA spokesperon Jorge Madlos announced the termination of its unilateral ceasefire by 11:59 p.m. of February 10, citing two reasons: that the government “has not complied with its obligation to amnesty and release all political prisoners” as promised and that the government has “treacherously taken advantage of the unilateral declaration of interim ceasefire to encroach on the territory of the people’s democratic government,” claiming the AFP had occupied at least 500 villages nationwide “which are within the authority of the revolutionary government.”
On February 3, President Rodrigo Duterte announced he was ending the unilateral ceasefire that evening, citing “unreasonable demands” of the communist rebels.
He said he lost “so many soldiers in just 48 hours” that “to continue with a ceasefire does not or will not produce anything.”
“Therefore I’m asking the soldiers, Go back to your camps, clean your rifles and be ready to fight. I am sorry but that is how it is,” Duterte said. (See other story)
No ceasefire but continue talking
Bayan Muna Rep.Carlos Isagani Zarate vice-chair of the Congress Committee on Peace, Reconciliation and Unity said the absence of ceasefire should not mean an end to the talks.
He called on the two parties to focus on the crafting of an agreement on socio-economic reforms which he said is “the crux and the most crucial part of the peace process,” and to continue tackling the other substantive agenda on political and constitutional reforms and the end of hostilities and disposition of forces, which he said “can continue even in the absence of a ceasefire, as proven during the time of former Pres. Fidel Ramos.”
“We call on both the GRP and NDFP to proceed with the February 22 scheduled meeting in Utrecht, Netherlands, to discuss the issue of ceasefire and the release of political detainees, particularly the sickly and the elderly,” Zarate said, adding the absence of ceasefire “should not be taken as signal the agents of the state for a renewed violation of human rights.”
In a statement, Defense Secretary Delfin Lorenzana said it is “regretful that what was a promising start to achieving peace has ended in the eruption of violence which emanated from the other party.”
“We denounce the CPP-NPA’s continued lawless activities that include extortion, abduction, and attacks on government forces that have resulted in the needless deaths of our soldiers, and the harassment of innocent civilians,” Lorenzana said, adding he has instructed the Armed Forces of the Philippines’ Chief of Staff “to place our troops on high alert and to continue their protection of the communities under their care, wherever they are.”
Lorenzana said they are “still hopeful that there is a chance that peace will eventually prevail.”
From Update.Ph (Feb 3): SAF troopers tasked to help in internal cleansing
At least 70 members of the Philippine National Police Special Action Force (SAF) will join the newly-formed Counter-Intelligence Task Force (CITF) which will focus on internal cleansing of the 165,000-strong national police organization. CITF will have 100 personnel.
The deployment of elite cops from SAF’s Rapid Deployment Battalion was revealed by PNP chief Director General Ronald “Bato” dela Rosa.
CITF’s head, Senior Supt. Chiquito Malayo was formerly assigned as Zamboanga City police director and had been held hostage once by the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) rebels, but he managed to convince his captors to turn themselves into the folds of the law.
The task force will investigate all policemen, especially those who were charged before but were reinstated into service after filing their respective appeals.
From Inter Press Service (Feb 4): ASEAN Naval Interoperability (By Ambassador Amado Tolentino)
The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) is distinctly maritime. Even the less maritime-based Myanmar and Cambodia and landlocked Laos depend on the sea for national revenue.
Amado S. Tolentino Jr.
Aside from economic community, ASEAN aims at developing a regional security community too. In fact, some degree of cooperation and coordination have been in place across the region in terms of naval interoperability to achieve maritime security as well as effective regional ocean governance.
Actually, ASEAN’s thrust towards improvement of its navies’ regional inter-operability is drawn more to offset threats at sea such as kidnapping, piracy, smuggling, human trafficking, illegal fishing and even illegal fuel transfers in ports and harbors. A recent incident which rekindled the debate about maritime security in ASEAN waters, i.e. the Sulu Sea and the Sulawesi-Mindanao tri-border maritime zone, was the beheading of a kidnapped Canadian citizen in Sulu a year ago despite a search-and-rescue operation mounted by the navies of Indonesia, Malaysia and the Philippines. As a consequence, the three countries agreed to establish a coordinated maritime patrol regime to stem the increasing number of kidnappings in the region modeled after the Malacca Strait Patrols coordinated by Malaysia, Indonesia and Singapore. The patrols being conducted by the navies of these three countries are done within their respective national maritime boundaries with no country taking command of another’s maritime assets or personnel.
Overlapping maritime boundaries and territorial disputes, however, constrain effective naval cooperation in the region. Malaysia and the Philippines have overlapping claims in a number of areas in the South China Sea while Indonesia and Malaysia are in dispute over parts of the Celebes Sea and an area off the Kalimantan coast. The situation also hampers dealing with transnational crimes and militant groups.
Be that as it may, ASEAN countries have committed to bilateral and multilateral defense and diplomacy forums to enhance cooperative activities and capabilities. One such is the ASEAN Defense Ministers Meeting – Plus (the 8 Plus countries are Australia, China, India, Japan, South Korea, New Zealand, Russia and the United States). The forum is about peacekeeping operations, military medicine, humanitarian assistance and disaster relief, counter-terrorism, mine countermeasures and maritime security.
Hosted by the Royal Brunei Armed Forces and the Singapore Armed Forces, the forum conducted a maritime security and counter-terrorism exercise involving all 18 forum members in May 2016. Exercise serials included counter-piracy drills, search-and-rescue scenarios and coordinated ship “storming” operation on a simulated hijacked vessel sailing in international waters in the South China Sea.
Aside from different levels of military capabilities, ASEAN countries have a mosaic of cultures, legal systems and military operational procedures. Thailand, Brunei, Malaysia and Singapore maintain a level of naval sophistication, including maritime surveillance and modern war-fighting capability, while others are still in conventional capabilities and the rest barely capable of conducting operations beyond their coastlines. Thus, to compensate for the capability gap, some countries have resorted to developing greater levels of naval cooperation. Vietnam, for instance, has coordinated patrol initiatives with Malaysia and Cambodia. Recently, a two-way communication link was set up with Brunei and the same is planned with Indonesia.
Bridging some of the challenges result in improvement of naval interoperability even if the approach in use leans more toward cooperation between Asean member states or between members of extra-regional navies as discussed above (Asean Defense Ministers Meeting – Plus).
Apart from combined military exercises, in existence are: i) The Regional Cooperation Agreement on Combating Piracy and Armed Robbery against Ships in Asia. It is about maritime information sharing and naval dialogues to enable maritime law enforcement agencies to respond individually or collectively to maritime security challenges. Eight ASEAN countries are signatories, with Indonesia and Malaysia not participating. ii) The Information Fusion Center at Singapore’s Changi Naval Base.
It brings together naval liaison officers from around 20 countries, including ASEAN countries, with the task of serving as direct link back to national headquarters and serves as the focal point for maritime crisis response. (iii) The ASEAN Information Sharing Portal which facilitates information exchange between various operational centers within ASEAN navies. The portal can be accessed even via smart phones of individual officers. (iv) The ASEAN Navy Chiefs Meeting which serves as a platform for discussion among ASEAN naval chiefs to advance naval and maritime security cooperation.
Strides in interoperability extends to a limited form of capacity-pooling in submarine search-and-rescue arising out of concerns over the safety of submarine operations. While Singapore has the region’s only submarine rescue capability, the pooling scheme will greatly improve the other ASEAN navies operating submarines in Indonesia, Malaysia and Vietnam.
Could an enhanced regional security community emerge out of the expanding opportunities at ASEAN naval interoperability?
[Ambassador Amado Tolentino incorporates ASEAN environmental law in his current lectures at the San Beda Alabang School of Law. This story was originally published by The Manila Times, Philippines.]
From The Diplomat (Feb 2): Steve Bannon and Prospects of a US-China War in the South China Sea
Less than a year ago, Steve Bannon saw war in the South China Sea as “five to ten” years away. That matters.
Earlier this week, I reflected on how U.S. President Donald J. Trump’s chief strategist Steve Bannon had clearly emerged as a locus of control within the new U.S. administration, suggesting that his elevation to the National Security Council’s principals committee meant Asian states should take his role seriously. In the meantime, USA Today has uncovered some new nuggets of Bannon’s former commentary on international affairs, when he was still involved with the ultraconservative Breitbart News. Of interest to readers of The Diplomat, Bannon, a former U.S. Navy officer in the Pacific, can be heard discussing the South China Sea on his radio show in March 2016 — months before he officially was elevated to the top of Trump’s campaign.
Bannon’s remarks on the South China Sea are troubling. He anticipates a major shooting war there with China: “We’re going to war in the South China Sea in five to 10 years, aren’t we?” he can be heard saying. “There’s no doubt about that. They’re taking their sandbars and making basically stationary aircraft carriers and putting missiles on those. They come here to the United States in front of our face — and you understand how important face is — and say it’s an ancient territorial sea.”
Bannon, Trump’s chief ideologue, gets the facts somewhat wrong on the South China Sea. For instance, when he refers to China placing missiles on its artificial islands, he’s most likely conflating China’s deployment HQ-9 surface-to-air missiles to Woody Island in the Paracels last year with Beijing’s ongoing land reclamation and construction work in the Spratlys, where it has constructed seven artificial islands.
I also wrote last week about how the Trump administration doesn’t seem to have its act together on the South China Sea, based on seemingly off-the-cuff remarks delivered by the new White House press secretary, Sean Spicer, that suggested the U.S. would use armed force to “defend international territories from being taken over.” Spicer’s remarks are still the only official commentary we’ve heard out of the Trump administration on the South China Sea since Trump’s inauguration. Comments earlier in January by Rex Tillerson, who was sworn in as Trump’s secretary of state yesterday after being successfully confirmed by the Senate, also suggested a collision course with China.
China chastised Spicer for his remarks, reminding the United States that it wasn’t a claimant state in the South China Sea, and it’s leaders will no doubt have taken note of Bannon’s central role within the new administration. Bannon’s buy-in into the Huntingtonian idea of a brewing clash of civilizations between the “Judeo-Christian West” and the rest of the world’s civilizations partly disposes him to distrust China.
USA Today additionally found a February 2016 interview that underwrites Bannon’s Huntingtonian worldview; he places “an expansionist Islam and … an expansionist China” side-by-side as threats. “They are motivated. They’re arrogant. They’re on the march. And they think the Judeo-Christian West is on the retreat,” he says. Though Bannon’s reasons for being hawkish on China may be more heterodox, he has several fellow travelers within the Trump administration — many of whom are pushing for the United States to test China on trade policy and the One China policy as well.
Bannon’s open expectation of a war with China combined with his proximity to the president of the United States should be concerning. The expectation of war can intensify and expand the United States’ strategic ambitions in the South China Sea. For instance, Bannon may push Trump to implement something like what Spicer or Tillerson have alluded to in the South China Sea, triggering a kinetic response from China. In short, Bannon’s expectation of a war can make war more likely. (For a more granular look at how intense a U.S. war with China might be and how it might end, I recommend this RAND Corporation report from last year.)
Normally, a Bannon-esque ideologue wouldn’t present too great of a risk, but Trump’s first weeks in office have shown that the former Breitbart executive director’s fingerprints are on every major and unusual initiative, from the controversial and chaotic executive order banning refugees and travelers from Muslim-majority countries to the darkly apocalyptic rhetoric of Trump’s inaugural address (which omitted any mention of the U.S. constitution, incidentally). Given Bannon’s centrality to the actions this administration has taken and his proximity to Trump — a man seemingly inclined to agree with the last person he spoke to — the stakes are too great not to take this seriously.
From the World Politics Review (Feb 2): Despite His Tough Talk, the Philippines’ Duterte Faces Long Odds Against Abu Sayyaf
A Philippine soldier guards the site of bombing at a night market that killed 15 people, Davao city, southern Philippines, Sept. 2, 2016 (AP photo by Manman Dejeto).
Despite His Tough Talk, the Philippines’ Duterte Faces Long Odds Against Abu Sayyaf
Michael Hart Thursday, Feb. 2, 2017
After a spate of kidnappings and renewed clashes with the Philippines’ armed forces over the past year, the Islamist militants of Abu Sayyaf have forged a reputation as one of Southeast Asia’s most radical and brutal jihadi groups. The high-profile beheadings in 2016 of two Canadian hostages has focused global attention on the remote, impoverished and underdeveloped region of the southern Philippines where Abu Sayyaf operates.
The violence has heightened the sense of urgency to find a solution to the long-running insurgency and placed an intense spotlight on President Rodrigo Duterte’s strategy. So far, Duterte’s comments on Abu Sayyaf have, perhaps unsurprisingly, been contradictory. He has warned against a military solution and hinted at negotiations, while at the same time, in his typically outlandish style, threatening to ‘‘eat the militants alive,” or at least ‘‘crush’’, ‘‘erase’’ and ‘‘destroy’’ them.
Despite Duterte’s rhetoric, defeating the militants will be a monumental challenge; six previous Philippine presidents have tried, and failed, to secure a lasting peace in the country’s troubled south. There have been some positive developments in recent years, with large segments of the region’s other two major rebel groups—the Moro National Liberation Front, or MNLF, and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front, or MILF—committing to a peace process. Yet the threat from Abu Sayyaf will be the most difficult for Duterte to tackle, as the group has proved itself to be hardened, adaptable and resilient in the face of numerous military offensives.
Abu Sayyaf was founded in 1991 by radical Islamist preacher Abdurajak Abubakar Janjalani, after breaking away from the separatist MNLF. The MNLF has fought since 1972 for greater autonomy for the Moro population, the Philippines’ Muslim minority that is concentrated in the southern Mindanao region. Abu Sayyaf is more radical in nature and seeks the establishment of an independent Islamic state in the southern Philippines. It was initially hierarchical and well organized, with substantial funding and training from jihadi groups such as al-Qaida and the Indonesian-based Jemaah Islamiyah. But after Janjalani’s death in a 1998 military raid, Abu Sayyaf splintered into disparate factions scattered across Mindanao and the islands of the Sulu archipelago.
Shortly after 9/11, U.S. President George W. Bush dispatched 600 U.S. Special Forces personnel to Mindanao in a permanent training and advisory role to combat Abu Sayyaf. But that didn’t prevent several high-profile attacks, such as the 2004 bombing of a passenger ferry in Manila Bay, which killed 116 people and was the deadliest terrorist attack in the Philippines’ history.
Abu Sayyaf gained more notoriety in 2014 when one of its key leaders, Isnilon Hapilon, pledged allegiance to the self-proclaimed Islamic State. But that move was more of an attention-grabbing ploy aimed at raising Abu Sayyaf’s profile, rather than signaling the existence of a concrete partnership. More recently, Abu Sayyaf has launched a wave of kidnappings, mainly targeting Westerners but also Filipinos, Malaysians and Indonesians, and holding them for ransom.
Duterte’s promise to eliminate Abu Sayyaf is unlikely to be achieved through a military solution alone.
With Abu Sayyaf appearing more hostile than ever, it poses a significant threat to maritime security, with ambitious piracy operations that have stoked fears of the Philippines becoming a ‘‘new Somalia.’’ There are also fears that hostage-takers could turn their attention to coastal resorts frequented by Westerners, damaging the Philippines’ tourism industry and stability in Southeast Asia as a whole.
How has a relatively small militant organization numbering around just 400 fighters managed to display such resilience? First, remote areas where the jihadis operate have long worked in their favor. The isolated far-southern region of Mindanao, along with the Sulu archipelago, which encompasses the islands of Basilan, Jolo and Tawi-Tawi, are far from Manila, and many of its islands are geographically cut off from the rest of the country by hundreds of miles of ocean. Militants operate with a degree of freedom and stealth in the isolated waterways and mountainous, forested terrain where state presence is almost nonexistent.
Second, Abu Sayyaf’s finances have grown after it shifted in recent years from a politically and ideologically inspired terrorist organization to a profit-driven criminal enterprise, while still masquerading under the banner of the Islamic State in order to attract new recruits and raise its profile. This transition has led to a dramatic increase in its wealth, allowing it to purchase new weapons and speedboats for piracy operations and clashes with government troops.
Kidnapping has become especially lucrative. Abu Sayyaf has entrenched itself in the local economy, using ransom payments to provide salaries to its fighters, buy off corrupt officials and subsidize locals. The vast inflow of cash has created a web of beneficiaries and provided an incentive for kidnappings to continue. As long as individuals and governments around the world are willing to pay the large sums Abu Sayyaf demands, the Philippine government will be fighting a losing battle. The consequences of not paying up are stark: Just hours after the deadline passed in April last year for a ransom of $6.5 million for Canadian John Ridsdel, a video of his brutal decapitation was uploaded to the internet.
Finally, widespread poverty and underdevelopment in the southern Philippines, which has long been neglected by the central government, drive support for Abu Sayyaf. In 2015, official figures indicated that 11 of the country’s 20 poorest provinces were in the war-torn Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (ARMM), where the militants operate. In Sulu, 66 percent of the population was found to be living in poverty, compared to the national average of just 26 percent. Many in the region lack access to basic services, such as education and health care, and necessities, such as food, water and electricity, while decades of poor governance and corruption have allowed crime to flourish. All this has combined with a lack of job opportunities and perceived oppression to make Mindanao a breeding ground for terrorist recruitment amid a growing pool of marginalized, disaffected young men.
Duterte’s promise to eliminate Abu Sayyaf is unlikely to be achieved through a military solution alone. Several previous administrations have taken this military approach, only to fail. Given the interlocking drivers that have not only sustained Abu Sayyaf but boosted it, a broad, long-term strategy that addresses the underlying causes of instability in the southern Philippines is needed to tackle the militant threat.
Bringing lasting change to an area where generations of citizens have grown up knowing only poverty and conflict will be a monumental challenge for Duterte’s government. Despite his lack of a clear strategy so far, Duterte, as the tough-talking leader from the city of Davao in the heart of Mindanao, does offer some hope in a region where people are tired of militancy. Now that the past conflicts with the MNLF and MILF are receding, there is an opportunity for Duterte to push Abu Sayyaf back and bring change to his troubled home region. A new, concerted counterinsurgency strategy that pays greater attention to Mindanao’s development, in addition to its security, would be a first step on the long road toward ending Abu Sayyaf’s reign of terror.
[Michael Hart is a freelance writer and researcher focusing on civil conflict and the politics of East Asia. He has written for The Diplomat, Eurasia Review and Geopolitical Monitor, among other publications.]
From The Standard (Feb 5): ‘ISIS men to move to PH if attacked’
A RENEWED American offensive against the Islamic State in the Middle East could lead to a transfer of some of the terrorist organization’s operations to Southern Mindanao, President Rodrigo Duterte said Friday.
“If [US President Donald] Trump decides to invade Middle East and if the ISIS loses its land base there, they will start to scatter around the world. Their favorite target would be the southern part of the Philippines,” Duterte said, citing intelligence reports.
During the campaign, Trump vowed “to crush and destroy ISIS.”
US forces were working in the last three months to liberate Mosul in Iraq, considered as the last stronghold of the terrorist group. Reports, however, claim that the jihadist group are scouting locations in Southeast Asia, including the Philippines where they have a considerable number of followers.
If this happens, Duterte said, he would launch a war similar to that declared by ousted President Joseph Estrada on the Abu Sayyaf.
“It’s gonna be bloody,” Duterte said.
President Rodrigo Duterte
Duterte on Tuesday confirmed the presence of Arab jihadists in the country linked with the terrorist Islamic State, teaching extremism in the war-torn Mindanao.
Foreign jihadists were reportedly killed by security forces following hot pursuit operations in the recent months.
Just recently, security officials said the homegrown terrorist groups had been uniting and evolving into just one group called Dawlatul Islamiyah Waliyatul Masrik or DIWM, and had chosen Isnilon Hapilon of the Abu Sayyaf as their sole leader in their aggressive efforts to be recognized by the ISIS.
In the UK, a British supermarket worker was convicted Thursday of preparing to fight with
Philippine jihadists Abu Sayyaf.
Ryan Counsell, 28, was found guilty of preparing for acts of terrorism, notably having a bomb-making manual and buying various military-style clothes and equipment.
Counsell had booked to fly on July 13 last year to the southern Philippine port of Zamboanga, the closest city to Basilan island, a stronghold of Abu Sayyaf, which has pledged allegiance to the Islamic State group.
Abu Sayyaf is listed as a banned terrorist group in Britain, the jury at Woolwich Crown Court in southeast London heard.
He had bought military equipment to “engage in combat or support an extremist group,” the court was told.
Jurors heard how Counsell had spent almost £900 ($1,130; 1,050 euros) on “heavy-duty, military-style boots, combat trousers, camouflage clothing, knee and elbow pads, a monocular scope, rifle magazine pouches and a cheek pad to be attached to the stock of a rifle.”
He had a bomb-making manual and documents providing “practical advice for someone wanting to travel to Syria to join Islamic State.”
Police in Basilan said they believed the Abu Sayyaf was behind a grenade explosion that cause minor damage to the district hospital in nearby Lamitan City.
Agents from Joint Task Force Sulu recently arrested two of Abu Sayyaf’s members and recovered assorted weapons and other war materials Thursday afternoon.
The ASG members were arrested by troopers from the 32nd Infantry Battalion.
Seized from the two were two fragmentation grenades, an M-16 automatic rifle with five short magazines and 20 pieces of 5.56mm ball ammunition, .30 caliber Browning automatic rifle with five magazines, two bandoleers, one backpack, one pair of combat boots, assorted battle dress uniforms and personal belongings and documents with high intelligence value.
